The Publication of Don Juan I and II (edited from B.L. Add.Mss. 56540)
The publication of the first two cantos of Don Juan coincides with the appearance of a comet in the skies of Europe. Hobhouse thinks he sees the comet; but would be surprised if told that it was a portent, and that the poem, the start of which he is seeing through the press with such “indifference – almost aversion”, would be seen nearly two centuries later as his friend’s greatest masterpiece, and as his main claim to poetic stature.
Admittedly Hobhouse has many other things to worry about in 1819: his disintegrating relationship with the Holland House Whigs; his stormy literary and monetary relationship with Ugo Foscolo; and his political career, which is making progress, but in a two-steps-forward-one-back fashion the outcome of which no-one can foresee. He finds himself becoming very popular, and is cheered in public places. Amidst all this hurly-burly a mere poem can not be expected to make much impact. He almost recognises the quality of what is passing though his hands: on 5 January 1819 he writes to Byron asserting that he and Scrope Davies have just declared “that you were as superior in the burlesque as in the heroic to all competitors and even perhaps had found your real forte in this singular style” (BB 256).
I have not included all of 1819, but I have – I think – included all the references in it to Don Juan, and enough of the remainder to see in what a confused and banal perspective it entered Hobhouse’s life.
I have included enough about the Westminster Election to show how important it was for him; and there are two contrasting passages about politics in China (23 May 1819), and politics in the U.S.A. (24 April 1819).
This section ends just after the Peterloo Massacre, which Hobhouse hears about while holidaying on the south coast.
By the year’s end, he is in jail – see Newgate. Within a year, he is M.P. for Westminster.
Wednesday December 2nd 1818
Foscolo called this morning and we had a long unpleasant discourse on his affairs. I refused a plan of his which was to make me advance more money, but said I would apply to Longman for him to buy his Dante.1
I think Wilson Sir Rob2 called this morning – Henry was present. He wanted me to write a letter to him – or somebody – expressive of my wish to conciliate the Whigs3 – I refused this, but asked why the Whigs were not contented with my former discretion and present silence. I reminded him how the Whigs had used him – he declared himself very friendly and all that, but in a humbug way – he has refused to take the chair in the parish of St George’s,4 and sent a most shuffling letter to the managing committee. He hinted to me that young Sam Whitbread5 was much talked of by the Whigs – now I knew this nomination was next to impossible, and the more I think of it the more I believe Wilson to have thrown this out to terrify me, and keep me in order with the Whigs. If it be so, he is a shabby fellow,6 and I was quite right in declining all correspondence with him at the last election – the application to him did not now come from me, but from the managing committee.
S.B. Davies, Henry, and I dined with Douglas Kinnaird. I went home early and read a little, but am quite out of joint. Letter from Byron announcing two new poems coming for me, Don Juan and Mazeppa.7
Wednesday December 9th 1818
Went at one o’clock to Mr Franklin’s8 great room and met the parish of St George’s. It had been resolved to ask Douglas Kinnaird, but consulting with me he had declined – his letter, however, had not been sent in time, so he was expected and I sent off my horses for him. He came, and was called to the Chair. I do not think he was discreet in his speeches. He alluded to annual parliaments,9 and talked of the rump, &c., but he praised me very much and I was very much affected when I began my long speech.
I did not do so well today, certainly, nor was the meeting so large as expected. I came home and copied and sent a letter to Tavistock10 – out of sorts.
Walked to Brookes – I saw Ellice,11 who I found most strenuous on my behalf and attacking the Whigs for not supporting me – Gordon12 said he should – Rogers13 told me so in half a phrase, and I believe him afraid of Byron’s poem14 which is coming home to me.
I dined at Watiers by myself – wrote there a letter to the Editor of the Times, who had misreported my speech at the Fives Court15 yesterday – the mistake was important in as much as it represented me as having canvassed in person – and also as saying that that majority of the Stewards at Maxwell’s16 dinner were officers of the Guards. I said some were. In my letter I told the Editor not to publish it, but to keep it as a memorial that I had corrected the mistake – I sent the letter to Place17 to look at.
Came home and wrote a squib to the Whigs.
[The next few days are all about preparation for the election, with occasional glimpses of Foscolo. But on 12 Dec 1818, H. does record, “I went to Lady Oxford’s it being Lady Charlotte’s birthday. Seventeen: she owns to —. I feel I am getting in love with Lady Jane. – home – slept ill”.]
Wednesday December 23rd 1818
At Whitton – walked out with Isaac18 to Twitnam. Called on Colonel Espinance and the Miss Byngs19 – home. My father, Charlotte, Julia arrive from the west – dine.
Speak to my father on Lord Byron’s affairs – Hanson is returned. Byron has left everything to Kinnaird and myself. I wish my father to be present at our first interview with Hanson.
I hear from Byron frequently – he is going to send over three poems to me: Don Juan, Mazeppa, [and] an Ode to Venice – Lord Lauderdale20 is the bearer. I am desired by Byron to show them to T. Moore, Rose, and Frere – and D. Kinnaird and I are to settle the price with Murray if he likes to publish – if he does not, with another.
Evening at Whitton as usual.
Saturday December 26th 1818
Came up to London – at Brooke’s, Dudley North21 introduced himself to me in a very extraordinary way – this is Whig favour – encumbering with help.22
Dined with Colonel Hughues.23 Ate and drank too much until two in the morning – Seabright24 – Colonel R. Knight25 – Kinnaird, Ellice and Davies were there – I was reprimanded once or twice by him smartly, which will not do.
Found that Byron’s poems had arrived.
Monday December 27th 1818
S.B. Davies breakfasted with me – we read the poems – I have my doubts about Don Juan – the blasphemy and bawdry and the domestica facta26 overpower even the great genius it displays – of Mazeppa and the ode I do not think much. Murray called and wanted to advertise at once – I told him I was not sure about the publication – I wrote to Byron on Friday last.
Called on Place – and heard his notion about the Whigs and about myself – he implored me to recollect that there was no commerce to be held with the great people – he was kind and considerate, and showed his extraordinary powers. Bennett27 had been with him – he had told Byron his conduct had lowered him in public estimation, and that as they had many common topics they would talk no more on Westminster. Place said Bennett was as weak as a woman.
I dined with Kinnaird and read Don Juan to him – he does not doubt about publication so much as I do – he gave me advice about how to sit in the House of Commons when [a] member &c.!!! with hat over my eyes!! he thinks me an ass.
<heard more about Foscolo> – <I wrote Foscolo a note> I have had two meetings with Foscolo – one on <Friday> Thursday when I called on him and another on <Sunday> Saturday when he called on me. I had written on the last Tuesday a severe answer28 to his half-read letter, and was in the act of sending it when a note29 came from him, who had just seen my friendly note of the Sunday before. His note was in a more friendly style and talked of “reconnaissance”. However, I enclosed my letter in a more friendly note,30 and told him I should call. I went to his house on Thursday – entered into no explanations – found he had sold his horse and paid some debts, which he wished me to pay for him – but he was still in difficulty about £125 owing to Bruce.31 I told him Bruce must wait. He said he had one more expedient to try – and so we parted.
On Saturday he came to my room, and was ferocious in the extreme. He read his letter to me, which was not so bad as I had thought, but which still turned on his ridiculous discovery – and was neither more or less than a threat. I told him so, and he said “No”; if he had been inclined, he could have gone to the copyist and made him come forward. He then said that nothing but his going to prison would wring the sum from him. I told him I had not the least alarm about it – I would tell all the world. The translation32 was a simple one; he had <given> sold me materials for writing – I had bought them – they were mine – I might tell or not the source of these materials when I chose – and would certainly be the first to tell – Foscolo said, “I have the greatest fear I confess it”. I repeated I had not – I would not have done a disgraceful deed on any earthly account. I always intended to tell – I always had said I had no merit in the essay – always talked of it as a compilation – and waited only until the appearance of a more extended work to mention the fact as it stood. Indeed, the very phrases of the essay are in the third person to prevent any identification.
Foscolo continued, saying he had the greatest alarm lest it should be known. He then told me that had I not given hopes of paying Bruce at Xmas – he, Foscolo, might have got the money of Wilbraham33 and that he would not have reassured Bruce of the payment – I said that if he would give me his word of honour of that, I would give him the money – he said he would, and so I consented to advance him £125 upon a bill which he was to draw on my bankers in favour of a Mr Balso.34 I did consider myself bound by what I had said at Whitton, considering that Foscolo had acted upon it; so out of £600 a year I have advanced £325, besides £20 for materials now in hand, advanced this day.
At the very time this strange fellow was attacking me I had been applying to my father to get him a situation. This is a good warning against doing anything secretly, even if there is no harm in the thing itself, and with the best intentions. Foscolo called this day and gave me a bill.
My corrected speech35 not given in any paper – sent too late.
Monday December 28th 1818
I left Byron’s MSS. poems with Frere36 at Blake’s Hotel, and then rode to Holborn.
Walked thence to Jones and Lloyd in Lothbury, and drew for £125 in favor of Foscolo – giving the bankers Foscolo’s bill for £200 on a Mr Balso of Zante. Returned – Foscolo called – I gave him the £125. He had before written a note,37 dropping the savage tone and talking of the cicatrice38 caused by my sacrifices for him – this is trop fort.
I did nothing particular today – indeed what between Foscolo and the election, I have been completely bothered for days and miserable.
I dined at Douglas Kinnaird’s with my father and Hanson – the meeting was assembled to hear Hanson’s report of Lord Byron’s affairs.39 I had begged my father might be present.40 The whole went off very satisfactorily – Hanson read a note in which he proposed a composition with Byron’s simple contract <debt> creditors, but he stated that his own bill, amounting nearly to £12,000 in all, was not to be docked, so that in fact the other creditors were to provide a means of paying him. I did not say this, but I told the objection I had to <dock> composition – and as Lord Byron had left that in Kinnaird’s hands and mine, it was decided against. We recorded also that as there would be something over and above still remaining – say £4,000 to pay – Hanson should be the man to wait for the money – the estate sold for 90,000 guineas – £66,000 is in trust for Lady Byron – £12,000 Jew debts, for which there are judgements – so that with Hanson’s bill (of which £2,800 has been paid) there will be but little left to compound for. However, Lord Byron will have a net £3,300 a year and will start with £3,000, inherited, of the purchase money since April – Major Wildman41 is the son of an attorney, with £10,000 a year, of which he has sunk the purchase money of Newstead, and is going to live on £2,000 a year intending to lay out the remaining income on repairs to the Abbey.
He made two requests of Lord Byron – one that he might send an artist to Venice to take Lord Byron’s portrait – Lord Byron sent a handsome answer by Hanson.42 We said nothing to Hanson about his own bill, having previously agreed to say nothing on that head: but Hanson let drop that he had securities for it – meaning the Rochdale papers.43 Mrs Fletcher, William Fletcher’s wife,44 called this morning, and I gave her an order for £50 according to William Fletcher’s desire. Hanson agreed that the purchase money should be paid over to Lord Byron’s account in Ransom’s45 bank, there to await the examination of the larger bills. Farebrother’s46 amounts to £2,300!!! he is auctioneer but the estate was never sold at the hammer. Lord Byron, in a letter written jointly to me and Kinnaird, says that when Lady Noel dies he wishes Sir Francis Burdett, Lord Grenville, or Lord Grey47 to arbitrate about the division of the Wentworth estate between him and Lady Byron. His letter on his affairs to us48 was very sensible.
Tuesday December 29th 1818
This morning I wrote a letter to Foscolo, but I did not send it. I dined with Roger Wilbraham,49 where I met with Foscolo and Cohen the antiquary.50 Wilbraham quoted from old Italian writers wonderfully for seventy-four. We had a dispute about the origin of the words “mala cotognia” – Wilbraham thought it the cotton down on the quince – Foscolo “malum Cydonium”. However, it is certain that our word “quince” comes from it.51
Wednesday December 30th 1818
I wrote another letter in French52 to Foscolo, in which I told him I wished to pay him for the Essay, but on these conditions: he should settle the price – he should give up the originals considering that his copyist might be the rogue he said, and sell them to another – and he should give me leave to mention my obligation to him in a new edition.53 I added that he should give me leave to mention his name as furnishing the materials for my history.54 I concluded with telling him that according to his desire I had negotiated his bill. This letter I wrote to show him distinctly that although there may appear something awkward in explaining exactly how matters stand, yet I have not the least apprehension on my part. I tell him also that I will submit my advertisement to him so as to make it as agreeable as possible – this is to show I do not want to frighten him – the deuce take the fellow, he is a strange mixture55 – but distress will make a man do anything.
I sent the letter and then rode out in the park with a horsedealer’s wife to try a horse for my sister – rode to the Board – saw Sir Robert Wilson at Brooke’s – he told me that he knew from authority that Maxwell had withdrawn – he then looked about to see whether or not there was any Whig in the room – and added that “No Whig would start”. I called at the Committee Room – heard the report about Maxwell there also – we are afraid of Wilberforce56 or Babington.57
S.B. Davies [and I] dined together at George’s, and I drank too much wine. I must record that yesterday I called on Hookham Frere, and had a long conversation with him about Byron’s Don Juan – he was decisively against publication, and gave some excellent reasons – first “a friend of freedom should be a friend to morality” – second, there was preparing a <moral> convulsion between the religionists and free thinkers – the first would triumph, and the latter be extirpated with their works – he instanced Hall Stevenson,58 a fashionable rake writer once in vogue, who was put down by common consent of the moral readers of George II’s time, and is now forgotten, though excellent in its way. He said that Byron should not attack his wife, because she and her family forebore all attack, as he could witness, having been for two months with Sir Ralph and Lady Noel at Tunbridge, when they never mentioned him except once, and that “en passant” talking about Beppo and Whistlecraft. By the way – Frere told me that he did not care about the failure of Whistlecraft. He knew that only 700 copies had been sold, but he knew it to be damned good – those were his words.
I felt that I was talking in some sort to a rival of Don Juan’s style, but then as what he said was sensible, I did not care for the coincidence. Frere said of Byron’s attacks on Southey and others59 that it did not sink people already so placed, but it might sink Lord Byron – he had begun by writing a satire which he had suppressed60 – might he not suppress this also in time? On the whole Frere was convincing – he said of Mazeppa that parts were good, but it was too long, notwithstanding the excuse at the end, of the King having been asleep an hour.61 Of the Ode he liked the beginning. I told Kinnaird Frere’s opinion, and Kinnaird was converted.
I wrote to Lord Byron today,62 telling him that we had met on his affairs, and that I would write soon about his poems. I had a very kind letter from him63 about the election.
Thursday December 31st 1818
Up late – did nothing – left a card at Foscolo’s – wrote a note to him, in the Monsieur style,64 but still kind, and asking him to Whitton.
I rode to Whitton – dined and talked in the new year, with Isaac dancing – with Miss Petre.65 Letter from Burdett.
Friday January 1st 1819
I rode out with Harriett round Richmond Park – she was on the new horse I had bought for her.66 Dined and danced. Note from Foscolo – civil and grateful.
Saturday January 2nd 1819
Rode up to London through dreadful fog – called on Murray – told him my feeling about Don Juan – he acquiesced – and I suppose is not sorry to be off from the violence and the attack on Bob Southey – although he tells me he hates Bob.67 He told me he supposed it was no secret that Maxwell had written a letter and withdrawn.
I wrote to the Committee – saw Puller68 – had talk with him – he seems to fear a feint,69 but believes Maxwell had withdrawn. Called on Bickersteth,70 and arranged all our differences. He was not aware that I had seen the Times report of my speech only for the first time on Thursday, when I called on Cullen.71 He showed me some documents on Reform – a parliament proposed by the army when they had Charles I in their hands – a good one – better than that of the peaceful patriots who were oligarchs.72 The excise originated with Pym, the rotten boroughs restored by Hampden and his friends73 – Note Lord Grey’s blunder in saying that the doctrine of annual parliaments and Universal suffrage originated with Granville Sharpe.74 Bickersteth had called twenty inventors some hundred years old and more before Sharpe. Lord Holland, in the corrected copy of his speech against Reform in 1817, left out the assertion, but Lord Grey’s approval of it remains in the Parliamentary Register, and so does Lord Holland’s real speech in the Morning Chronicle of the next day.
Dined at the Rota – few there. Went in the evening to Lady Oxford’s – found this day a letter from Foscolo,75 refusing to let me name him either in the essay or the approaching history, and making other offers which I shall consider. Home.
Bickersteth told Davies and me that he had had a legal case concerning a father in Devonshire who had actually married his daughter and had two children by her – there lives at Richmond a Mr Barrett, who was on the point of marrying his own sister when he found out the truth and went mad thereat – on his recovery he married another woman – the girl has also married – they were both natural children, born, I hear, in the East Indies.
Friday January 8th 1819
I rose at seven – rode up to London. Found letters – amongst them a “Dear Mr Hobhouse” from Holland House – which I take to arise from curiosity about Byron’s poem, or perhaps a wish to hamper me, now that it looks as if I should get in.76
By the way, I wrote a long letter to Byron77 advising him not to publish Don Juan. Sent it on Tuesday, having read it to Murray and to Kinnaird, and part to Davies – all agree with me, and Frere said stronger things to Murray than he did to me. The attacks on the Wife, the bawdry, and the blasphemy, as it is called, are the reasons. I trust he will listen to me – it is a very ticklish affair, and most likely Byron will refer to Rogers, or to Moore, who being bepraised therein78 will advise publication.
On Wednesday last Mr Fisher of the St James’s Committee79 called to tell me that Maxwell had positively withdrawn, and that the Electors were much pleased with my speech, and much displeased with Mr Bowie’s annual parliament proposition.80 St James’s is a Whig parish. There is now a rumour that Maxwell will stand.
I set off at half-past nine with S.B. Davies in his carriage for Cambridge – arrived there half-past four. Went to visit Dr Davy, the Master of Caius, who gave me an excellent bedroom. S.B. Davies and I dined at the lodge and ate and drank until two in the morning. I find that my friend Kaye, the Master of Xt’s,81 has gone, or is going over, and that since he has become Regius Professor he seems to thirst for more church preferment – this is caused by his trade. Davy told us that “the date of knock” means the date of the porter’s posteriors, Knock being “bottom”82 – Davies instanced Breckknock, a town at the bottom of a hill – a very good hit. – – – a debauch.
Saturday January 9th 1819
After breakfast I walked about in Trinity (Neville’s Court) with Greenwood83 who is a perfect sot – resigned to live and do nothing – every man at Cambridge appears to stink aloud – the life there to me would be intolerable.
I walked about, came home – read part of Cowley’s discourse upon Oliver Cromwell84 – walked out with Doctor Davy – met Doctor Clarke,85 who said fulsome things, but told me of an impostor fellow86 whom Castlereagh had confirmed a count in the Ionian Islands by letter to Maitland. Davy abused Clarke’s learning – which he was assured he was helped in by Marsh.87 Davy told me of Parr88 that he had seen him pinch a young girl (Miss Newnham)89 in company so indiscreetly as to make her cry – he showed me a character he had written of Paley,90 of whom he did not think a great deal. Davy is a very singular creature indeed.
We two dined with S.B. Davies, and had some noble Burgundy – another debauch, but not so late as the first.
Thursday January 14th 1819
Corrected my translation of Francesca a little91 – walked about.
At Brooke’s, Dudley North92 said to me, “Well now, you have got rid of one competitor, you have only to profess yourself a <radical> rational reformer, and perhaps you may have no opposition”.93 “Aye”, said I, and left the room – angry at what I thought to be an insolent attempt to alarm my fears of a competitor.94
Burdett, Davies and I dined in the small room at Brookes’s – Burdett told me that old Cootes95 was reconciled to his children, Lady Guildford and Lady Burdett. The former he had seen, and wept bitterly. Went to the Oxfords in the evening.
[The next fortnight’s entries are all about the election.]
Sunday January 31st 1819
Walked in Kensington Gardens with Kinnaird – dined at the Rota – and had a very unpleasant day – being set upon by the whole party for my “great Fox”.96 Quarrelled with Scrope Davies, and called him “infidus scurra”,97 which was very wrong and rude – and the more so for being true. I did not mean to offend him, however – and on his claiming reparation, frankly told him the next day. Hunt98 says he will start somebody.
Monday February 1st 1819
Tom Moore breakfasted with me and read Don Juan – he perfectly agreed with me that it could not be published99 and told me to tell Byron his opinion.
Meanwhile I drew up a petition respecting the Westminster Hustings bill, which Bennett is now renewing for the purpose of throwing the expense on the candidates.100 Rode to Bickersteth’s, and left it with him and Francis Place – rode at their request to Bennett’s in Upper Grosvenor Street – asked him if he would put off his bill – he said that the third reading was not until next day – and accordingly declined pretending that he did it to hasten my election and keep off Hunt.
I rode back to Bickersteth – he mighty sulky – had done something to my petition – would do no more – told me that my “great Fox” would bring me into trouble. He was not quite certain that I should not compromise my personal dignity by petitioning – but Place was for it if the proposition came from me.
I rode to my father’s – he is drawing up a petition to be signed by Electors – agreed to have mine ready. Saw Joseph Hume101 at Kinnaird’s – he agreed to oppose the Bill – spoke to one or two other members – took a luncheon of cold turkey at Kinnaird’s – coffee afterwards – then walked home – drank tea – read King’s Anecdotes.102 There is nothing very singular in them – except that Pope hastened his end by draw-drinking.103
Bed, and sleep well from not drinking wine – finished petition to House of Commons.
Monday March 1st 1819104
Looked at the weather, and saw that it was wet – the gods on the winning side. Burdett and I went to Dignum’s – sent up a few voters – came to Committee Room and heard Lamb had got a very large gang, and that some of our people had been dreadfully bruised – Lamb’s people armed with sticks, axes and cleavers. We got information from some of our own people who had been enlisted by Lamb’s folks.
Went on the hustings with a Mr Manby who had been pursued by some of Lamb’s ruffians. Made regular complaint of the violence, which Manby confirmed. Lamb’s gang hurled and hooted, and I was ill-heard. When Lamb tried he was driven off with shouts: the people cried out against his hiring the mob, which retired with Lamb, and left all quiet for Burdett, who made an admirable speech.
We were only 99 ahead – Lamb 296 – Hobhouse 395 – Cartwright 0. Total: 3989 – 3471 – 37.
From this time I made up my mind and only thought how I might die decently. Both Burdett and I continued inspiriting the people with hopes of success, and I never let a single frown be seen on my face; on the contrary, I may say that I smiled on, and with, every one of the many blank faces that I saw in the Committee Room.
Dined with Kinnaird. The whole party as usual. I believe we did not go anywhere this night, the parish meetings having failed. Somehow, however, I still pretended to appear hoping [for] success; and it might have been procured very easily, that is certain, for we had the good wishes of a great majority.
Tuesday March 2nd 1819
Raining hard this morning, which confirmed the defeat – I did not go to the <poll> committee until late – found everybody looking blank and black – kept a merry face upon the business. Went to the hustings, spoke in a shower of rain, Lamb’s gang hooting – Lamb still pretends to say the people are hired by Burdett.
Lamb polled 300, Hobhouse 209, Cartwright 0. Total: 4289 – 3681 – 37. So the job was up, but Burdett and I still told the people they might win if they pleased – and I looked merrier than ever, and somehow or the other really did not feel sad.
Dined at Kinnaird’s. The Oxfords105 there. Did nothing this evening notwithstanding Hone106 had wished Burdett and I to make a last effort in the parishes – this was thought throwing away popularity.
Wednesday March 3rd 1819
Dry weather – got up, in heart – dressed in clean leather breeches, which as Burdett said, none but a popular candidate would dare to wear107 – sat at home writing a valedictory address – went to the Committee Room. There heard that there had been frays all the morning between Lamb’s gang and the people, in which the former had been considerably worsted. Just before going to the hustings heard that twenty or thirty gentlemen on horseback with buff and blue favours108 had ridden up to accompany the chairing – but they, being identified with the gang, were attacked and dispersed – the committee room of Lamb was beaten in. There was an immense crowd – all for us.
Went a little before three to the hustings accompanied by Burdett, Kinnaird, Robert Knight – Mr Clarke,109 and my brother110 were enthusiastically received – the fighting seemed by the waving crowd to be going on in Henrietta Street111 – When the board was exhibited the gross numbers were: Lamb 4,465, Hobhouse 3,861, Cartwright 38. I had polled 209 this day, Lamb 201, Cartwright 1.112 At the sight of the board – the whole multitude groaned and hissed – then came forward the High Bailiff, and declared Lamb returned – but not a word he said was heard – Lamb tried to say something but was hooted back – he had come through the Church113 for fear of the people whom his ruffians had excited – he retired through the Church.
We all put on gay faces, except for Harry whose eyes were full of tears, so I begged him to step back. I then uncovered and walked forward. The vast multitude received me with shouts, waving hats, clapping hands – and I made my farewell speech, which was printed from my copy next morning. Burdett also was most warmly received and he spoke. We then bowed, and retired to the Committee Room, where I bid them again farewell in a short speech out of the window – Burdett and Kinnaird spoke – I mounted my horse and rode away amidst the shouts of the people and came home.
And so ends this eventful history of the Westminster Election. I had been engaged in it one way or the other since November the third – but the presentiment which I see then came over me114 has not been verified as yet – I am not as yet member for Westminster – but I may be.115 It has been a busy anxious time with me for more than three months – and considering the brilliant prospect of that which was only not attained, and the many difficulties which I had got through successfully, the disappointment might certainly weigh hard on some young men of ambitious views – it might weigh the harder upon me, who knew that if my own advice had been followed about not attacking the Whigs I should inevitably have been member for Westminster – yet I certainly did not feel at all proportionally depressed – but was as gay as ever.
My topics of consolation were these: first – Lamb having completely failed in making himself and his Whigs popular116 – and having made them in fact so unpopular as not to allow of his being chaired – for buff and blue117 was pelted whenever seen at Westminster – and Sefton,118 Ferguson,119 Lord William Russell,120 and young Lambton121 got handled rather too severely. Secondly that our minority voted all on principle, and their majority were driven to the poll by all parties combined against the people. Thirdly, that I felt tolerably safe that I had lost no character but should in time be approved by everybody. Fourthly – that if I had succeeded, a great deal would have been expected of me in parliament and I might have failed – indeed I should have failed, I think. Fifthly, that I should have been obliged to fag hard, and I like being lazy. Sixthly, that if I had come in without a contest now, either the Whigs would have claimed some share in me and if I had not allowed it they would have turned me out next time, or I must have compromised my Reform principles to please the Whigs.
These considerations and a springy spirit kept and still keep me from being downhearted, and nothing but the thought how some private enemies will be pleased, and perhaps some friends, at all makes me look with[out] a sorrowful eye upon this defeat. The loss of time is the worst thing about it – and there is a vast body of the world who thinks success everything.
I walked quietly about Westminster, hurraed whenever recognized.
Dined with Kinnaird, Burdett, Davies and the party as usual, very merry and finding reasons for congratulation. Heard that the people were up committing violences in consequence of Lamb’s mob of armed fellows in the morning – Lamb obliged to have soldiers out in the evening. Castlereagh’s and Sefton’s windows broke – Morning Chronicle also122 – Wishart’s123 – Lamb sneaked home well-guarded.
Went to bed and did not sleep well – but that not owing to defeat – but to a dish of tea.
Thursday April 1st
I think I rode up to London today. Dined with Bidwell. Met there Colonel Cooke and Byng – went to Brookes – had a long conversation with Tavistock.
Friday April 2nd
In the morning, preparation for departure from London.124 I paid off John Beale, my groom, and hired a young man on trial for a fortnight. Dined with Kinnaird; met Davies, Pearce and Poodle Byng, and passed a pleasant evening.
Saturday April 3rd
Passed the evening in packing up and paying off my lodgings, &c. Took leave of No 43 Clarges Street – I believe, for ever, for this place is too much concerned with the turmoils of Westminster to be very agreeable again. Sent away Baptista to Whitton. Dined at the Rota, and rode to Whitton at night – there I found Sir Francis Burdett ……
Sunday April 4th
Passed the morning in talking and walking with Burdett – lounged along the Twickenham meadows beyond Richmond Bridge – lovely weather – Alexander Iden in our mouths – agreeable day.
Monday April 5th
Burdett and I rode to Gerard’s Cross and there [Burdett] mounted his hunter125 – had good sport with the King’s stag hounds – but I twisted my thigh and Burdett hurt his hand – came back to Whitton.
Tuesday April 6th 1819
Burdett’s hand in the gout. I wrote answer to Erskine.126 Sir Francis Burdett did not get up till late.
After dinner I read aloud part of a thing called The Vampyre, said to be written by Byron,127 but which I am positive was for the most part written by Polidori. Perhaps the story, and a word or two here and there, may be Byron’s.
Wednesday April 7th 1819
Sir Francis Burdett went away in the gout128 to attend the Den129 where Sir William Congreve130 has been disposing of one of Burdett’s orders,131 a very unprecedented insolence. The Chronicle has been attacking Burdett for his absence – I wrote answer. Walked with Bessy Wood132 and Sophia …
Thursday April 8th 1819
Writing answer and walking out – lovely weather – the Miss Forbes’s133 came here …
Friday April 9th 1819134
Writing as before and walking out, and riding. Saw young Grattan135 – “the father of his country” as Plunkett136 calls him – is at Twickenham – I suppose preparing his speech on the Catholic question.
Saturday April 10th 1819
Writing answer – missed the Rota for the first time, and stayed at Whitton – – – – – –
Sunday April 11th 1819
Writing answer – walked out. Kinnaird came – showed him my letter to de Breme137 which is playing the devil at Milan, and which hurts my character for morality and decency, so Lord Kinnaird writes – god damn this infernal Essay.
Kinnaird came to ask my father about being a partner in his (Kinnaird’s) bank,138 which my father had refused by letter – he went home in the evening. All observe him altered much – he certainly is not quite what he was before the Westminster election – that has disjointed him.
Sit up latish – read Life of Lord Chatham139 in bed – he calls himself a Whig. I do not feel quite certain that the people can do anything unless backed by a body of men in the higher classes: but then these Whigs are so treacherous and tricky – such shabby fellows.
Wednesday April 21st 1819
Yesterday sent to Place the Mss. of my answer – told him to tell nobody. Walked about London trying to find Sir C. Hawkins140 at home, relative to a Cornish scheme – did not find him.
Went to Murray’s – saw the Sismondi141 who has just married a sister of Lady Mackintosh’s. Byron has written to Murray resolving on publication142 – and to me, also, a second canto of Don Juan sent.143
Brande144 told me of Davy145 that he wrote something to show he was not idle, and did show that he was ignorant. It is true Davy did wish to be in parliament. His friends were agreed of his incapacity, but more of his temper – I rode down to Whitton again.
Saturday April 24th
Answer. Rainy day. Did not go to the Rota. Mr Ticknor,146 the American whom I saw at the Rota, called, and stayed dinner and evening. He told us American news. Almost everybody but Quincey Adams is against Jackson – the Senate’s report has ruined him. He is guilty of beating up for volunteers without a commission, which is a crime, but not high treason.
Fearon147 is a liar. He sets out with a lie about his lodgings in New York – he had a servant’s room, because the hotel was full, and he then gives an account of his chamber as if of the usual accommodation. Also he tells of a sum of 1,700 piastres being refused by a committee of Congress to an old public servant on account of some irregularity – but he does not tell that the same committee awarded a pension of 700 piastres to the same person. Fearon’s account of the Caucus is perfectly false. The Caucus is nothing but the trial, generally on a Sunday evening, of the popularity of the candidate nominated. Speeches are made on all sides by the friends of the respective candidates – sometimes 5,000 are present – often the persons supported by the committees are beaten by a single individual who lays hold of public opinion.
The next day the polling begins at nine o’clock. It closes at three generally, and an hour before it closes all the bells ring to give notice, then the various committees or caucuses drum about the different wards to get up their voters – in short, a complete Westminster popular election, except that five or six thousand vote in one day. A fortnight beforehand the voters come in, and register their names. Friends of both, or all, parties are generally at the town hall to see this done, and to object to those who have no votes; but as there is someone from every ward, the voters are generally known to all parties. The qualification of £45, goods of all kinds – so that suffrage is nearly universal where it is not quite universal, and very seldom anyone objects to a voter. Lists of the voters are then printed, and stuck up at the town hall and the several wards, so that on the polling day, nothing is necessary but for the voters to appear and ballot, which they do in whole strings, one after the other.
Ticknor said he wondered that Lord Grey could talk such nonsense respecting Fearon, and that when he was at Edinburgh, a young American was spirited on, I think he said by Sidney Smith, to write to Lord Grey about it. Sidney Smith wrote the article in last Edinburgh Review about American travellers – so he told Ticknor – I do think I will go to America.
Ticknor lives at Boston. His name is George.
Tuesday April 27th 1819
Wrote a letter to Lord Byron148 and to Service,149 late Secretary of Committee, and who by the way told me that the Report would not have been carried had not Place said Burdett was for it, which was a lie!
Rode out with Harriet to Bushy Park, and back – danced after dinner.
Boccaccio says at the end of a bawdy story150 –
“… and so they enjoy’d their loves”
– God grant we may enjoy ours –
Wednesday April 28th 1819
Wrote journal from April 12th.
Thursday April 29th 1819
Went on with the election – riding – and walking &c.
Friday April 30th 1819
Writing – today Place sent to me Erskine’s answer to him151 – sad stuff indeed. Employed as usual – at press.
Sunday May 1st 1819
Correcting proofs. Rode up to London – went to Brooke’s – J.G. Lambton acts152 poor fellow – “pale boy-senator”.
Don Juan going through the press. I do not think it so bad or so good as I did, not so indecent and not so clever.
Met Place in the streets. He tells me the action shall be brought153 – Burdett will give £100, I will give 100 – Kinnaird will give something.
I walked about a little – annoyed by little boys crying “Hobhouse for ever!” Dined at Rota – Bickersteth and Burdett, there – we had pleasant day – Burdett, talking of Pearson the attorney154 abusing him, said, “As for that – I know that when a man happens to have nothing to do, or has the whim, he attacks me”.155 This is not affectation – Burdett really does not care about abuse.
Rode down to Whitton at night late – one o’clock.
Sunday May 2nd 1819
Continued writing an answer to Erskine’s answer. Employed the usual way – but the spectre of the departed Representation of Westminster haunts me – and yet –
“The ship indeed may make a better figure –
But I that sail am neither less nor bigger –”156
I ought to be very happy – I have everything – but then comes the thought of the fair occasion gone forever by.
Monday May 3rd 1819
Writing – riding – eating – and lounging.
Tuesday May 4th 1819
Ditto, ditto. Correcting press – I have got into a correspondence with Polidori about The Vampyre,157 which he wrote and got vamped-up, and then attributed to Lord Byron. I knew it was Polidori’s. Murray sent me a letter from the Editor of it – giving up Polidori. I wrote to Polidori about it – he returned for answer that he had never said the tale was Byron’s – it was entirely his own – then appears a letter in the papers,158 attributing only the ground work to Lord Byron, and not the tale in its present form. I remonstrated with the Doctor on this and now (Sunday) he sends me an insolent letter.
Friday May 14th 1819
Ditto, ditto – also correcting Don Juan second Canto – which I really do not think clever, at least not for Byron. The rage of the day is for Dandy horses,159 a ridiculous amusement, I think – London never known to be so full.
Sunday May 23rd 1819
At the speech. Walked out. Sir George Staunton160 dined with us today. We had a long conversation. He told me many very curious things. The Emperor of China is a slave to etiquette – he must not lean back in his chair – he must not fan himself – he can only wipe his face – he must not smoke and the present Emperor161 was desperately fond of smoking and did smoke till forty, when he was Emperor. He is in public from eight to eight – twelve hours a day. He is a species of vice-god under the Lama, who is, however, governed by four Chinese commissioners – his religion and that of the great people is the Confucian – which Staunton could not explain – not atheism, but still not founded on [a] future state. The great body of the people are of the religion of Boo-dah or Fo – a species of Hindoo religion. There are about 150,000 Christians dispersed over the whole Empire, but they have no place of worship, nor indeed is there any public worship in the whole country. The priests, or rather monks of Fo, live in societies of two hundred – they are, some of them, supported by the Emperor. When the Emperor issued a decree against Xtianity, he said, “We have one false religion here already which came from a distance – but how much more false must that be which comes from so much farther off?” The Fo people have some notion of future punishments – Staunton has seen pictures of hell – but lucky and unlucky days are the great article of faith throughout. Staunton thought Confucius had been formerly too much cried up, and now too much cried down. He lived about the time of Pythagoras and talks much of the “degeneracy” of his countrymen.
The Chinese history will go back as authentically as that of Greeks and Romans – 4,000 years. Staunton has seen a map of the world of China – a square in a circle – the corners are the rest of the world. The Chinese regard all nations as barbarians – their language is not so difficult as supposed – Staunton met a professor at Paris who could read it well, but could not speak [it].162 Several of the English factory can now speak and read [it] which is a great advantage in our commercial affairs.
Staunton says the present Emperor is a fool. He sent away the Embassy in a pet,163 and then was very sorry for it. He ordered all sorts of civilities to be paid them in their four months tour home. Someone persuaded the Emperor that the English fomented the discontents.
Taunton talked slightingly of Ellis’s book – done in a hurry to prevent an Anderson from coming out before him. He showed it to Staunton, who made a few remarks, but Ellis would alter nothing. Staunton has in all made ten voyages. He told me he could not stay long at a time at Canton being afflicted with a nostalgia. He is a very modest and agreeable man indeed. He has purchased a seat in parliament, which he says is independent, but he votes with ministers and has their circulars sent to him – he has a very fine fortune.
Monday May 31st 1819
Dined early – went with my sisters to Drury Lane to see Kean in Rolla164 for his benefit. When I came into the house, several voices cried out, “Hobhouse! Hobhouse!” Many in the pit rose, waved their hats and cheered me. There was a hiss or two, but drowned in the cheerings. I at first did not know what was meant, but soon recovered and bowed once or twice. I am not aware of this notice being conferred upon any but a general or one of the Royal Family for some time.
Rolla was poor. Kean acted Diggory Duckleg in the farce of All The World’s a Stage165 – did it, I thought, neither well nor ill. The papers, however, say it was a complete failure and Kean says so too.
Saw Douglas Kinnaird, who tells me that my letter to the Times is good, and has finished the business. Came home at night.
Saturday June 12th 1819
Ditto – ditto.166 Rode up to London – dined at Dignum’s pot-house in Houghton Street – present Burdett, Kinnaird, Davies – Bethel the mad Irishman,167 and Irvine,168 whom I knew five years ago. Good dinner, pleasant day. Bethel gave us imitations of the Irish bar, the subject being his attempt to cash a note for ten pounds – we had a union piper in the room who played to us.
I came away at ten and rode down to Whitton.
This day went to Murray’s and found Kinnaird had just bargained to give 2000 guineas for Don Juan, Mazeppa and the Ode. Lord Byron is determined to publish at all events anonymously – and without castration169 – I have given due warning, and can do no more.
Sunday June 27th 1819 dies natalis 33
Election – ride with Harriett. Did not recollect until the afternoon during the ride that this is my birthday – gave Harriett Mazeppa170 as a token thereof.171
This has been the most important year of my past life – whether for good or for evil, time alone will decide. It has given a complete turn to my fate, as should appear to all eyes. It has thrown me out of what is called society in London, and has thrown me into what is called political life. The line which I have adopted is that in which there are the fewest of all possible attractions – almost without a coadjutator – entirely without impartial or capable judges – with no chance of contemporary172 estimation from those who are, as it were, the guardians of the temple of fame – exposed to the attacks of all the retainers of political literature on every side – the advocate of a cause defeated, misrepresented, and contemned and having some of the most active partizans of that cause in oblique or direct opposition to me; with the prospect, even if most successful, of no other reward than that of being placed upon an eminence where I shall be more than ever exposed to the shafts of envy and malice – under all these discouraging circumstances do I perceive that I shall have to fight my way up this hill. But nevertheless I will persevere to the last, and if that which I pursue be, after all, a shadow,
nonante revellar”
“. . . . . . et inanem prosequar umbram”173
Let me have only health – I fear that this year has made inroads on my constitution. I am not able to read and write as formerly for eight or ten hours without rising from my chair, and of late my head has been very unpleasantly affected. If I could but get up early this year I think I should brace my nerves. I am resolved habitually to drink very little wine, and to mix that with water. If I could effectively cure myself of one or two very bad habits I think I should make something of myself. It is not too late, and though the event of the next Westminster Election has pushed me back not a little, still with perseverance there is time to do much.
Dined at home and had a pleasant evening with our friends.
Monday June 28th 1819
Burdett has given notice of a motion on Reform. Election work, and ride.
Tuesday June 29th 1819
Ditto. Ditto. Ditto – read Johnson’s Lives174 in the night when I cannot sleep.
Wednesday June 30th 1819
Rode up to London – called on Burdett – heard from him that he had told Wilson that he would not go to the Borough dinner unless I was asked, that Wilson had assured him I was asked, and lastly that when he did go he made a point of desiring the Electors to account for my absence. This they readily did, “And,” said Burdett, “would have been more glad to see you than they were Wilson – whom they laugh at”. The man who gave his health called him “Sir Bobby”175 to Burdett.
Burdett went over the topics of his speech for tomorrow; he moves a resolution only that Parliament will take the question of Reform into consideration, next session early. He has got one or two new hits – particularly that the house is a fair representation of its constituents but not of the people, and that the parliament is h[ ]ly to all but the few popular constituencies,176 since every man who differs from his patron vacates his seat instantly. He was in great spirits.
I walked to Place’s. Paid him seventy-one pounds for printing Defence of the People.177 Had a long talk – find he does not like Service – says he is lazy. This is the worst of these sort of people – one never exactly knows who and who are really friends. Not that there is any hypocrisy of apparent friendship, but that one is inclined to think that those seen much together must be bound by ties of mutual esteem and respect. I do not think it is so, in this line of life.
I called on Foscolo – he told me that his opinion of the Whigs was fixed – he said in a letter to me that they sacrifice their principles to their party and their party to some individuals of their party.
He told me that the opposition to the cession of Parga178 had been crushed on account of Lord Lauderdale’s brother,179 and that Monk180 had refused to continue his motion merely because he had heard from Gilburn181 that Gilburn had heard that another man knew that Parga was ceded. “Now,” said Foscolo, “if they could not save the honour of the English government, they could have saved the honour of the English nation – but no – they would not”. Ali Pasha had given this lady a shawl, and that lady a compliment, and the Pasha was found to be a very good sort of a fellow, who ought to have what he asked for in a civil way. Foscolo told me that the English submitted to the most extraordinary indignities in the persons of their Ionian subjects. A butcher going over to Prevesa from Santa Maura was seized by Ali, who told him, “I am in love with your nephew of fourteen years old. Tell your brother to send him to my Seraglio or I will keep you here all your life”. The butcher writes to his brother the baker, “If you love me send your son to the Pasha” – the baker consents – sends the boy, who is circumcised &c., and the butcher is released. In 1812 – two soldiers of Ali’s shot a Greek named Suli on the parade before the English commanding officer at Santa Maura – they were arrested and sent to Zante, but escaped the first night. The French used to hang up Ali’s Albanians like dogs.
Foscolo is in nice apartments [at] 154 Bond Street, for which he gives £100 a year. I spoke to him about translating his Thyestes182 – and about his giving me hints for an essay on Italian tragedy,183 but I must take care and be open and above board with him about the latter – he is not a man to accept favours from.
Coming to my lodgings in Clarge’s Street, found the invitation from the borough Electors – found that Foscolo’s bill of £200 has been honoured – so I am richer than I thought – rode back to Whitton.
Thursday July 1st 1819
Election writing, and correcting Byron’s Don Juan – Mazeppa is making a great noise184 – now suppose anyone else had written it. It contains certainly some fine passages – but I can not make out what the devil Byron means by tacking a poor piece of prose185 to the end of his volume.
Burdett’s motion186 today.
Sunday July 11th 1819
Rode with Tom over to Murray’s at Wimbledon187 with the last sheets of Don Juan, having resolved at my own risk to leave out what Byron has written about Romilly’s suicide.188
Dine &c. at home.
Thursday July 15th 1819
Employed this day in picking up and sorting letters, newspapers &c., so that if any accident happens to me189 my papers may be ready for burning, or for such purpose as may seem requisite.
Rode up to London and dined with Douglas Kinnaird on turtle. Present Fysche Palmer,190 Robert Gordon, – Powell the solicitor191 Robert Knight, Burdett, and Pistori192[?] – We sat talking on Reform. Powell and Gordon showed themselves, as usual with anti-reformers, most wholly ignorant of the question – Kinnaird did not shine – he was prosy.
At eleven we walked out to look at the outside of Carlton House,193 where the Prince was giving a fête – present amongst others Lady Caroline Lamb – and young Burdett194 in a suit of complete armour. He is now of the 10th Hussars again, and is behaving well with his father.
Burdett and I walked about the streets talking politics till two in the morning, when I mounted my horse and rode to Whitton.
Don Juan published yesterday.195
Tuesday July 20th 1819
Finished Anti-Sturch196 – wrote several letters. See by papers great preparations for Smithfield Reform meeting tomorrow. Henry Hunt in the chair – Times full of it – 10,000 special constables said to be sworn in. Lord Mayor wished to know if he could stop the meeting – Sidmouth197 said, “No”.
Called on Blaquière,198 the author of Letters from the Mediterranean199 – he told me that he had lately been on a mission to see what the Bonaparte family would do for O’Meara.200 Lafitte201 has large sums of Napoleon’s, which he will not refund at all. Eugene Beauharnais has millions, and suffers himself to be a catspaw of the Emperor of Russia, with the hopes of being in the Regency when the Bourbon dynasty fall in France. The whole family seem to know him. Hortense, living at Constance on £4,000 a year, is selling her diamonds. She sent her compliments to me, and eternal gratitude for The Last Reign of Napoleon.202 Napoleon also told O’Meara that it was the only tolerable account of his Hundred Days – others of the family express themselves infinitely obliged. Blaquière says that the French translation has been suppressed in Paris. Blaquière actually hinted that it would be worth anything to the Bonaparte family to have me in parliament – I took notice of this remark. Blaquière is an Irishman203 – he evidently meant that a few thousand to buy me first and a seat for me afterwards would not be thrown away!!! This shows him to me at least.
Walked in the evening after dinner.
Wednesday July 21st 1819
Reading The Bride of Lammermoor,204 a very beautiful novel – I like it perhaps next to Waverley – a good quotation there about the Whigs:
To see the corn upon the rigs
And a gallows built to hang the Whigs
And the right restored where the right should be
“Oh that is the thing that could wanton me.”205
There is also a piece of prose in the page opposite very good also for the anti-party purpose.206
I bathed in warm bath207 – a lazy day – removed after dinner to Wellington Place. Walked out by myself along the sea shore, wild and melancholy. I thought I would walk in for two pence208 – accordingly, seeing a little girl in great agony about her bonnet that was blown in – I did walk in nearly up to my breech, and pick it out for her – this was better than drowning, but it was not good nature.209
Came home, read some of Spenser’s Faery Queen aloud – bed at eleven. Lead a tolerable rational life – drink little wine – but still there remains!!
Could not sleep for a cursed jack – removed to Wellington Place, 6.
Thursday July 22nd 1819
Letters from Kinnaird, from my father. News that Palmer will give his daughter nothing till his death. Wrote to my father – wrote to Melly – read some of L’Asse Italiana, an Italian periodical paper published in London.210 See honourable mention made of the Essay211 there.
Hear from Blaquière that Foscolo is not liked by the Italians in London – he won’t help the essayists – from what I see I think he is right.
Rode out with Harriet to Fairlight Down212 – lovely views on all sides – dine – then walk out with chits213 to Fairlight Down – too far for them – saw, I think, a little of the comet214 tonight.
Tuesday August 3rd 1819
Ditto – sometimes walk about and sit with Blaquière, whom I assist in something he is writing about – Sandt, the killer of Kotzebue215 – he, Blaquière, is a downright bookseller’s hack in the pay of Colburn the bookseller.
Monday August 16th216
Ditto, ditto.
Tuesday August 17th
Ditto. Letter from Henry, telling me that my father says “Well-judging men expect a struggle!!” I told this to Blaquière – all looking up to see what Burdett will do. Settling accounts, paying bills – horses £10 10s 0d. Lent William two pounds. Battista has turned out a rogue – writes to my father for five pounds.
Wednesday August 18th
Rode by Ninfield and Lewes to Worthing. Beautiful country to Lewes. Set off at half-past eight – arrived about two – distance fifty miles. After some time found a house taken by my father at No 2, Landon Terrace. Dined at Sea Horse Hotel – girls came late.
Thursday August 19th 1819
I believe this day’s post brought news of the dreadful Manchester massacre217 – which took place on Monday last. Hunt and his confrères seized on their hustings – sabering and shooting of the multitude – five killed218 – no-one knows how many wounded – some say 200, some 300 – done by Yeomanry – regulars guarded the ground. Most horrible event of these days – this is a struggle indeed!! The end of it will be either a reform of parliament or a despotism.
I write appendix for the Authentic Account.
Ride out in evening with Harriet and walk out on sands – very fine here.219
Friday August 20th 1819
This day, after great agitation, I resolve to write a letter to the Statesman220 expressive of my horror at the massacre, and sending £100 to the sufferers for redress. I write the letter – and enclose it to Bickersteth – or advice instead of Place – this I conclude to be as bold a step as ever man took – Burdett has not yet come forward.
Ride, &c. – –
Saturday August 21st 1819
This day a meeting at the Crown and Anchor – one Waddington in the chair – Major Cartwright will not take it. I can do nothing, being in continued agitation about this atrocity – the Times, the Chronicle, all the papers except the New Times and Courier and Post attack the Massacrers.
I would have gone to today’s meeting had I known of it in time.
Sunday August 22nd 1819
Letter from Bickersteth. He says I may or I may not. I resolve to do it, so enclose my letter to the Statesman, expecting certain martyrdom – – – as well as loss of money – write appendix – lounge about – ride, &c.
Selden221 born at Salvington near here.
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Foscolo had written a treatise on Dante, which Murray had refused. |
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General Sir Robert Wilson (1777-1849); soldier and Whig politician admired by B. He and H. had met in Berlin in 1813: see Recollections I 50. He was a member with him of the Rota, a political club including Kinnaird and Burdett. M.P. for Southwark: dismissed from the army when he prevented the troops from firing on the mob at the funeral of Queen Caroline, he was later reinstated, and became a Tory, and Governor of Gibraltar. H. had known his sister, Mrs Bailly Wallis, very well during the Hundred Days. |
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As a prominent radical Whig, H. was on uneasy terms with the main body of the Whig Party. Wilson’s visit seems aimed at intimidating and / or neutralising him. |
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One of the districts of the constituency of Westminster, where H. had since November 17th been standing as a radical Whig candidate; the by-election was caused by the suicide of Sir Samuel Romilly (see Don Juan I stanza 15). |
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Son of Sir Samuel Whitbread, the brewer, politician and theatre-owner. He was not in fact nominated. The Hobhouse family had considerable holdings in Whitbread’s. |
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Perhaps an echo of Julius Caesar III ii 79: “If it were so, it was a grievous fault …” |
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B. had actually told H. about Don Juan in September and November: BLJ VI 67-8 and 76. |
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Mr Franklin unidentified. |
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Whether H. was in favour of annual parliaments was a point about which he, unlike Kinnaird, kept discreet. |
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Francis Russell, Marquis of Tavistock, later Duke of Bedford, had been at Trinity a member of H.’s Whig Club. |
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See entry for 17 Jan 1816. |
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Gordon unidentified. Christian name Robert. |
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Samuel Rogers. |
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Don Juan: Rogers is in fact praised implicitly by association at Don Juan Dedication, 7, 7. |
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The Fives Court was the political meeting place of the parish of St. Martin. Also used as a boxing ring. |
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Sir Murray Maxwell had been Tory candidate against Romilly earlier in the year. |
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Francis Place (1771-1854); leading reformer, partly responsible for the passage of the First Reform Bill of 1832. We would think of his role at this time as that of H.’s campaign manager – though he would have preferred the more radical Kinnaird. |
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H.’s young half-brother. |
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Neighbours at Hounslow. |
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James Maitland, 8th Earl of Lauderdale (1759-1839); brother to Sir Thomas Maitland, Governor of the Ionian Islands, and uncle to H.’s future wife. The poems’ arrival became common talk quite quickly. On December 28th, Joseph Jekyll wrote to Lady Gertrude Sloane Stanley (one of Augusta’s closest friends – see BLJ IV 124 for her “frigid appearance”): “Lord Lauderdale has brought over a spick-and-span new poem of Lord Byron’s from Venice, sealed up, so the Scottish bearer, no great critic in works of genius, knows nothing of its merits. But Murray the bookseller has volunteered a great price for it. He says the poet is grown fat and cheerful, and comes to England next spring.” (Letters of Joseph Jekyll, p. 75). |
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Lord Guilford(?). |
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See Johnson’s Letter to Lord Chesterfield; “Is not a Patron, my Lord, one who looks with unconcern on a Man struggling for Life in the Water and when he has reached ground encumbers him with help?” |
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Colonel Hughues unidentified. |
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Conceivably the boxing-promoter referred to at BLJ I 162n, or Sir J. Seabright (Shelley I 224-6). |
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Colonel Robert Knight unidentified. |
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domestica facta is the phrase from Horace (Ars Poetica, 287) which B. initially wanted to give Don Juan as an epigraph. It means either domestic facts or common things; B. asserted it to mean the latter, but no-one was convinced. At H.’s insistence in proof, it was dropped. |
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Either Henry Grey Bennett, the Whig radical referred to at 17 Jan 1816, or Charles Augustus Bennett, Lord Ossulton, for whom see BB 312n. |
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See BHF 66-8. |
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BHF 68-9. |
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BHF 68. |
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Michael Bruce (1787-1861); erstwhile companion to Lady Hester Stanhope, subsequently had affairs with Caroline Lamb and Madame Ney; now married to the widow of Admiral Sir Peter Parker. |
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The translation of the critical material by Foscolo which H. used for the section on modern Italian literature in Illustrations, which Foscolo does want the world to know was his. |
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Roger Wilbraham (1743-1829); friend of Fox, and the literary Whig at one of whose dinners H. had first met Foscolo on March 23rd 1818. |
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Identified at BHF 140 n47 as Dionizio Bulzo, a cousin of Foscolo, and a native, like him, of Zante in Greece; he had been in England on a diplomatic mission in 1817. |
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Speech unidentified. |
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John Hookham Frere (1769-1841); friend of Canning, retired diplomat and man of leisure, whose Whistlecraft had started Byron on the ottava rima path. See entries for 21 Sept 1817 and 9 Oct 1817. |
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BHF 71-2. |
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“Scar”; the same in Italian as in English – see Hamlet IV iii 60. |
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Now that Newstead Abbey has been sold, all Byron’s debts can be paid. |
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As a make-weight for the experienced and subtle Hanson. |
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Major, later Colonel, Thomas Wildman (1787-1859); old Harrovian and Peninsula veteran, had bought Newstead Abbey for £94,500 in December 1817. |
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Hanson and his son had unwillingly visited Byron in Venice in November – see BLJ VI 74. |
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The papers relating to the suit over the ownership of the Rochdale collieries, which had been in progress since 1802, and was never satisfactorily resolved in Byron’s lifetime. The threat implicit in the way Hanson terms them “securities” on Byron’s debt is characteristic. |
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The wife of Byron’s valet. |
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The bank for which Douglas Kinnaird worked; see BLJ IX 159. |
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Farebrothers, the auctioneers, had twice offered Newstead at auction and had had twice to withdraw it. See BLJ VI 114 and n, and 14 Aug 1812. |
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See BLJ VI 79. |
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BLJ VI 78-9. |
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See 27 Dec 1818. |
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Frances Cohen, later Francis Palgrave (1788-1861); Italian specialist and contributor to the Edinburgh Review and Quarterly; father of the editor of The Golden Treasury. On the date of the publication of Don Juan (15 July 1819) he was to write Murray the letter which provoked Byron’s most famous defence of ottava rima (BLJ VI 207) including the famous assertion that “we are never drenched and scorched at the same instant whilst standing in one spot”. He translated Foscolo’s April 1819 Quarterly essay on Narrative and Romantic Poems of the Italians. |
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The word quince does indeed derive from cydoneum, meaning “apple of Cydonia” – its place of origin in Crete. |
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BHF 73-4. |
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H. is planning either a new edition of Illustrations, or a general book on Italian literature. Neither materialises. |
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The essay in Illustrations. |
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On January 13th 1818 Joseph Jekyll wrote to Gertrude Sloane Stanley, “You had no loss in Foscolo, with all his learning and talents; he is what Dr. Johnson called ‘a tremendous companion,’ uttering with the clamour of a speaking trumpet a jargon composed of every language under heaven, and never combined before since the Tower of Babel. At Holland House they grew dead sick of him” (Jekyll p.67.) |
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William Wilberforce (1759-1833); evangelical, friend of Pitt and foe of slavery. See Beppo, 543, and Don Juan IV 915-916. |
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Note pending on Babington. |
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Hall Stevenson was a friend of Laurence Sterne; he figures as Eugenius in A Sentimnental Journey and Tristram Shandy. Frere’s comparison gives a good impression neither of his disinterestedness, nor his judgement. |
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Don Juan, Dedication, Stanzas 1-6 and 17. The Dedication was not published in Byron’s lifetime. |
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English Bards, and Scotch Reviewers. |
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See Mazeppa, 868-9. |
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BB 254-5. |
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BLJ VI 88. |
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BHF 75. For an example of H.’s pompous French, see BB 310. |
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Miss Petre unidentified. It’s not clear with which half-brother she danced. |
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Purchased two days previously: see entry for 30 Dec 1818. |
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Recollections (II 110) has “dislikes Southey”. |
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Fuller unidentified; an associate of Place. Could be “Pullar”. |
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“faint” (Ms.) |
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Henry Bickersteth (1783-1851); Whig barrister, championed H. against Place’s favouring of Kinnaird. He was subsequently Baron Langdale, and the husband of Lady Oxford’s daughter Jane Harley (see entries for 24 June 1812 and 23 July 1812). |
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George Cullen, an Irishman and an atheist, was a bill-broker and a Spencean radical. |
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Perhaps The Agreement of the People, debated by the Army at Putney in 1647: “The poorest He that is in England hath a life to live as well as the greatest He …” and so on. H. is researching his pamphlet A Defence of the People. |
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Note pending. |
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Granville Sharp (1735-1813); pamphleteer and abolitionist. |
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BHF 76-81. |
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That H. should feel under pressure from Whig headquarters simultaneously over Don Juan, and over his radical candidacy, even at this early stage, is very striking. I have not yet discovered the letter. |
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BB 256-61. |
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See Don Juan Dedication 7, 7. |
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St. James’s is a ward in the Westminster constituency. |
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Mr Bowie unidentified. |
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Christ’s. |
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“Knock” signifies either “a hard stroke”, “a hillock”, or “a sandbank”, never “a posterior”: it must have been a real debauch. |
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Trinity don otherwise unidentified. |
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Abraham Cowley, A Vision, concerning his late pretended Highnesse, Cromwell, the Wicked … (1661). |
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See 3 July 1811. |
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Impostor unidentified. |
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Marsh unidentified. |
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See 1 July 1811. |
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Perhaps a joke, Newnham being a nearby village. |
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William Paley (1743-1805); author of Natural Theology, a famous Cambridge set text. |
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H. starts the next entry with “Correcting Francesca …”, and records “corrected Francesca” later on the same day. |
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Note pending on Dudley North. |
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Murray Maxwell had withdrawn as Whig candidate for Westminster. On February 13th, George Lamb takes his place. |
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Shows H.’s inability to take a joke. |
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Thomas Coutts the banker, Burdett’s father-in-law. See 31 July 1815. |
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On January 30th Hobhouse had quoted at table Fox’s words, in his Speech on Reform of 1797, about delivering a “death blow to the miserable distinctions of Whig and Tory”. |
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“Witty bastard”: see 16 May 1820. |
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Henry “Orator” Hunt. |
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See Moore’s Memoirs (ed. Dowden) I 137, 139 and 140. |
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Note pending on the Westminster hustings bill. |
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Joseph Hume (1777-1855), Scots oriental linguist and radical; a Benthamite. |
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Political and Literary Anecdotes of his Own Times by Dr. W. King (1819). |
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Note pending on Pope’s death by draw-drinking. Anybody got any ideas? |
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The Westminster election voting finishes on March 3rd. The Whig George Lamb is H.’s main rival. |
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The Earl and Countess of Oxford – Byron’s ex-mistress and her complaisant husband. |
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William Hone, radical and satirist. |
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Note pending on leather breeches. |
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See Don Juan, Dedication, 17, 4. Byron’s and H.’s politics are diverging. H. wrote to Byron on April 27th, “… England sees the Whigs to be the meanest and shabbiest of mankind – ’Twould have done your heart good to have seen them pelted all the way from Covent Garden to Grosvenor Square …” (BB 266-7) |
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Note on Clarke pending. |
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Henry Hobhouse (not H.’s cousin, “Home Office Hobhouse”). |
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Two blocks north of the Strand, leading into Covent Garden. |
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The arithmetic here does not tally with the votes recorded in the previous day’s entry. |
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Church unidentified. |
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The entry for 3 Nov 1818 includes “… nothing done about Westminster Election”. |
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He is returned on March 25th 1820. |
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A paradoxical statement, given Lamb’s victory; but H. means that Lamb’s majority was a result of corruption among voters who had yielded to “influence”. |
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The colours of the traditional Whigs. |
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Lord Sefton was an Irish peer and therefore eligible for the Commons, where as William Molyneux he was M.P. for Droitwich 1816-31. A follower of Brougham, he opposed repressive measures in 1816 and 1819. |
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Note on Ferguson pending. |
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Note on Lord William Russell pending. |
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John George Lambton (1782-1840); later Earl of Durham, son-in-law to Lord Grey and architect with him of the First Reform Bill. |
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The Morning Chronicle was perceived as reactionary in Westminster. |
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Wishart unidentified. |
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H. is returning to Whitton. |
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And H. his, we must assume. |
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Thomas, first Baron Erskine (1750-1823); brilliant counsel, often defending radicals. He was Lord Chancellor. H.’s Defence of the People was an answer to his Defence of the Whigs. |
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The Vampyre was published in The New Monthly Magazine of April 1819; it was referred to in Galignani’s Messenger, to which Byron wrote on April 27th (BLJ VI 118-19) denying authorship. |
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Burdett was prone to this very painful complaint. |
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The Commons, so named after Jesus’s words (Matthew 21, 13): It is written, my house shall be called the house of prayer; but ye have made it a den of thieves; also Mark 11, 17; Luke 19, 46. |
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Sir William Congreve (1772-1828); inventor of the Congreve rocket (see Don Juan I, 129, 6). He was M.P. for Plymouth, but not until 1820. A friend of the Prince Regent. |
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Note pending. |
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Unidentified. A friend of one of his sisters. |
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The Miss Forbes’s unidentified. |
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More went on on this day than H. records. On “Friday Eveg.” Augusta writes to Annabella: “… but a moment after I had dispatched my letter I had a long visit from H[obhouse] – the first for ages – I confess I felt very anxious to hear what he wd say about the new Work [Don Juan] – he talked of little else but that and its Author – and appeared vexed and worried to death – his acct – as far as it went – was like what I had always heard – Nothing can be worse. he had written to insist on the Publication – and they supposed it must be Phd anonymously – and with considerable omissions – H[obhouse] – said he should still do all he could – and drive it off and insist on omissions or he would have nothing to do with it – He had his own character to preserve – really dear A – he spoke as if sincerely vexed and hurt about it – he had only that day given it to Murray to read and consult his Oracles upon it – one’s fear is that if they are peremptory in refusing that it may be transferred to those who wde not have the same regard for the consequences – I ventured to say to H[obhouse] – I thought he could do more in the way of persuasion than any one else – his reply was, if I was there [underlined twice] I could – but not here – ‘I wd not hesitate to burn it before his face but I can’t behind his back’ – I replied he had better go to him – He told me he thought, his chief reason for persisting was the money – that on that subject he was quite insane and gave me certainly some late strong instances which look very like it … (DLB 82. 15-17). |
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See 9 May 1814. |
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William Conyngham, first Baron Plunket (1764-1854); Lord Chancellor of Ireland. |
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H. wrote two letters to di Breme defending his (in fact Foscolo’s) Essay on the Present Literature of Italy, which had been printed as part of his Historical Illustrations of the Fourth Canto of Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage. See BB 263-4. |
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Messrs Ransom and Morley; swallowed later in the century by Barclay’s. |
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Authentic Memoir of the Rt. Hon. the late Earl of Chatham (1778). |
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Note pending on Sir C. Hawkins and the Cornish scheme. |
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Sismondi the historian? |
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BLJ VI 105-6. |
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Seeing that there was more to Don Juan than a Beppo-type anecdote, Byron started Canto II on December 13th 1818, and finished the fair-copy at the beginning of April. He had sent it to Murray by April 3rd (BLJ VI 104). |
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Brande unidentified. |
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The Master of Caius, Cambridge: see entry for 8 Jan 1819. |
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George Ticknor (1791-1871); American scholar. |
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H. has been reading Henry Bradshaw Fearon (1770? – 18??) Narrative of a Journey of 5,000 Miles through the Eastern and Western States of America (1818, second and third editions 1819). Fearon describes his boarding-house at pp.6-7; and at pp.137-48 he reports, among other things, a passage of overheard dialogue which implies American elections to be open to management, if not fixing. He is observing the election of the State Governor of Pennsylvania. He is impressed by the fact that all the votes in the state are cast on a single day. The phrase “I guess” is often heard in his book. |
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BB 265-9, including the following, which again shows what H. often excludes from the diary: “My dear Byron – / The lord’s will be done – You are resolved that the pomes shall be printed; and printed the pomes shall be; aye, and published too. The first sheet has gone through my hands and has been transmitted to you for final approbation. The marginals are mine: and humbly I beseech you to consider them attentively, as you may depend on it that my hook shall not be a desperate one and shall only be employed where your luxuriance is absolutely too rich. I think I have marked but three in the first sheet, including the dry bob [Dedication, 3, 7-8] and a line about a piss-bucket [I 24, 7-8] and also god-damn [I 14, 8 – H. marked a lot more in later proof-sheets; see BLJ VI 125 for Byron’s reaction]. That I should ever live to see you come to this! On my stars and garters! Since I have such ill luck from the one I wish was hanged with the other – However I shall delay dangling at the bed post until I see the Don fairly before the world and then I will lay my death at your door and leave myself to be wept by the Reformers and avenged by the Eclectic Review” [see Canto III 66, 3-4]. |
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See 30 June 1819; otherwise unidentified. |
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Boccaccio, Decameron, Day Three, Story Seven. |
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Lord Erskine’s A letter to “an elector of Westminster”; the elector concerned was Place, author of A reply to the ‘Short defence of the Whigs’ (1819). |
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Could be “cuts”. |
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Note pending. |
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Pearson unidentified. |
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Burdett perhaps echoed Falstaff at Henry IV II I ii 6: “Men of all sorts take a pride to gird at me …” |
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Quotation (?) unidentified. Could be spontaneous poetry by H. |
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Murray to Byron, April 28th: “My Lord / I inclose another Proof – Mr Hobhouse tells me that he has written to your Lordship fully – and he has taken Polidori in hand, with equal propriety and judgment …” (JMA). |
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Perhaps at Hobhouse’s insistence, Polidori acknowledged his authorship of The Vampyre in a letter to the Courier of May 5th. |
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Dandy Horses were velocipedes propelled by the feet: pedal- and chain-less bicycles. |
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Sir George Thomas Staunton (1781-1859); Trinity graduate but not H.’s contemporary. Expert on China. |
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The Emperor in question is Yongyan of the Qing (Manchu) dynasty (reigned 1796-1820). |
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Staunton’s Chinese, both spoken and written, was fluent. |
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Staunton refused to kow-tow to the Emperor when Commissioner of the English embassy in Beijing (1816-17). The privilege was granted, but then other difficulties were manufactured and he had to return to Canton. |
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“to seek Kean not Rolla” (Ms.) Either Rolla, or the Virgin of the Sun, by Kotzebue tr. Benjamin Thompson (1800) or Pizarro, The Spaniards in Peru; or, The death of Rolla, tr. Anne Plumptre. |
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A farce by Isaac Jackman. See Dardanelles, 27 Apr 1810, and BLJ II 29 and 192. |
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The previous phrase to which this refers is “employed otherwise as usual” (9 June 1819). |
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Bethel unidentified. |
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Irvine unidentified. |
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Last two words omitted from Recollections (II 112). |
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Underlined twice. |
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Despite any adverse feelings which the book may awaken: see 1 July 1819. Mazeppa was officially published on the 28th; this must be an advance copy. |
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“cotemporary” (Ms). |
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The words of Cato at Lucan, Pharsalia, II, 301-3: … non ante revellar / Exanimem quam te conplectar, Roma; tuumque / Namen, Libertas, et inanem prosequar umbram (“I shall never be torn away before I embrace the lifeless body of Rome; and I will follow to the grave the mere name and empty shade of Freedom”). Cato is welcoming the prospect of civil war: his words have necrophile overtones, and relate intimately to Mazeppa, |
