Milan (edited from B.L. Add.Mss. 56537)

Their twenty-three days in Milan are formative for Byron and Hobhouse in a number of ways. Firstly, they meet nearly every man of literary note in North Italy – exceptions being the absent Ugo Foscolo, and Alessandro Manzoni; secondly, they find themselves – Hobhouse especially – taken seriously as political writers in a way to which they’re unused; thirdly, they come to know at first hand what it’s like for intellectuals to live under a whole-heartedly totalitarian regime, as opposed to a half-hearted one of the kind they know in England.

Byron’s interest in the Italian struggle for freedom, expressed the following year in Childe Harold IV, and in his Carbonari activities at Ravenna in the years following, surely has its roots in these three weeks.

Hobhouse’s admiration for the classical learning displayed by common Italian people at puppet-shows is offset by what he learns about their capacity to be led into mindless mob violence (see October 26th for both these things) and help lay the foundations of his future qualified Westminster radicalism. His need above all is to work out how Italy’s freedom came to be mislaid for her at the Congress of Vienna.

The description, on October 25th, of the evening spent watching the improvvisatore Sgricci, is one of his droll masterpieces: but Stendhal’s (Henri Beyle’s) anecdotes, on October 23rd and 28th, of the Russian campaign and the retreat from Moscow, have some memorable details too.

[This note continues at the end.]

Saturday October 12th 1816

Byron got up at four, I at six. A raining morning. Put a gendarme with a musket on each carriage, and, being all primed ourselves, set out for this dangerous passage 1 at seven. The country at first did look most propitious to robbing – we said little, but looked through the bushes and behind the vineyard walks, as we trotted with Berger en eclaircir2 on the grey before us. Springhetti was equally circumspect. We had to go up an acclivity through a wood of some continuance,3 and only met one or two peasants on the whole way. Coming out of the woody [area] on a brushwood heath where four ways met, and passing the spot, Springhetti then turned round and said, pointing with his whip, “There the carriages were stopped.” He wisely said nothing until we had passed.

From this place the country looked less likely, though anything might do for ten o’clock robbers, and we reached the small town of Somna, four miles from Sesto – beyond this there seemed no danger, for we met many peasants and the country was enclosures of vineyards and Turkey wheat, the road very good. We came to Gallarate four miles further, where the folks in the streets stared at our gendarmes, who were perched up, and who Springhetti’s advice made us change for two horsemen, with whom we went on 4 in an English-looking country, most superabundantly safe. Six miles to Castellanza, a small town, where we baited and breakfasted – or dined – on fish and grapes and coffee.

We dismissed our swordsmen here, and at two o’clock set out for Milan, seventeen-and-a-half miles off. All we had heard of the plain of Lombardy certainly was not realized here – nothing could be more dreary. An ugly enclosed country of stunted orchards, Turkey wheat,5 vineyards, common lands and brushwood. We both fell asleep, and did not begin to think much of the capital of Italy, until within half an hour of it – then we saw what we were told were the spires of the cathedral, and some wooden building at the end of our long avenue, which we were told was the Porta Romana where Napoleon was to have erected his triumphal arch, one of the eight enormous columns of which we had seen on the Simplon road, near Isella, I think.6 We met a few carts and carriages, but nothing looked like the entrance of a city containing 130,000 inhabitants.

A man opened the wooden enclosure, and we took a view of what was already prepared of the gate.7 The sculptures on the bases of the headless column, on each side of an exquisite workmanship, are finished; the base of one column is also raised ready for the shaft. The whole of the lower part of the construction is finished, and in the outhouses, locked up, are the reliefs of the pediment, one of which four figures represents Napoleon, as also those of the frieze, of most beautiful execution by Marchesi 8 and others. Napoleon is then on horseback and on foot in a Roman general’s habit – there are also some cornices and capitals, finished to the utmost precision and beauty. The whole work was to have been marble.

From the top of the scaffolding we had a fine view of the Campo Martio and its arena, where Napoleon initiated ancient games, which are still performed. The field is of great extent and a sullen place d’armes indeed. The shower added, “Bonaparte – il nostro Napoleone!” He told us 3,000 men were employed upon the work, and that Napoleon, being advised by the city to give away the expense of this building in a charity, said it was better to feed the industrious than the idle.

We drove round into the city by a gate where they took our passports, and we proceeded through dirty, narrow streets until we came to the square of the cathedral and the government house, which struck us to be worthy of a great city. We were, however, much disappointed in being driven to an hotel, l’ancien Hotel de St Marco, where we were shown into very dirty rooms indeed, and my spleen was direfully moved. We resolved upon moving with all possible speed. I dined, Byron tea’d, and we went half grumbling to bed.

Sunday October 13th 1816

At breakfast, Dr Polidori called. Previously to this I had walked out to the great cathedral, the second largest church in Italy – all marble – and mounted besides its dome with many minute spires, whose niches and summits are adorned with statues. A portion of the surface edifice had been scraped by Napoleon and on the whole the view of the outside of this immense marble structure, together with its courts and entrances (represented faithfully at Drury Lane)9 produces a magnificent effect, although this Gotho-German style is, as Forsyth says,10 overloaded with ornaments.

I went into the church and saw a mass pro defunctis and others performing to several knots of devouts – apparently much in earnest. Going out I saw on the steps of the cathedral another crowd, who were surrounding a dwarf with a serpentine pigtail and painted face, who waltzed to the fiddles and music of three or four women, and then ballad singers. A little further on I saw a youth laying down his offering under the church window at what appeared the city privy – <over> on the other side of the church was a fellow crying “Chiese a la prova – a la prova!”11 – and next to him a banquier with cups and balls. This was to me completely new, and completely Italian.

There was a considerable crowd in the open place of the cathedral in the dress of the country, which in the men is very like the English in every respect, and in the women, neither French nor English – black veils coming half over the face and down on each side worn by some women, others feathered hats, not high, others their own hair, fastened up behind with an instrument like a double spoon with diverging rays. These the lower classes – the men are fine-made men, not very nor generally dark, the women plain.

The Doctor Polidori told us he had had a prosperous journey on foot across the Alps – we determined to go to the play tonight – the price of a box is seven livres in Milan, besides one-and-a-half francs entrance. I walked out to the public walk, which reminded me of the alleys of the Tuileries, and along the Corso – there were a good many people walking, but only a few carriages.

Came back and dined. At eight o’clock went to Teatro della Scala,12 which is indeed a magnificent house, divided into six circles of boxes and a large pit, the back of which is an open space for walking. We saw no lights, except in one or two boxes, which, we were informed, belonged to a Société de juin.13 Some of the boxes had the curtains shut. The orchestra very roomy – the whole theatre larger than any in London, I think.

As there is very little society in Milan the theatre is the place of reunion, and this circumstance allows of the same opera, the same ballet and the same comic dance being given for a quarter of a year sometimes, every night but Friday. 300,000 livres were formerly allotted out of the tax on the ridotto rooms to this theatre, but now only 30,000 are allowed. There is no motto here 14 but instead of that an illuminated clock tells the hour every five minutes. The Empress’ box is lighted up every night – when the Imperial family 15 are either of them in the theatre no hat is allowed to be worn. Count Saurau, the governor,16 the other day went out of his box to a man who had his hat on before the Archduke Regnier 17 and struck him several times.

This same governor’s policy is of a singular kind – he would with difficulty grant permission to a Count Porro 18 to make a voyage to Rome on business, and when he granted it, made the Count give his word of honour that he would frequent none of the embassies – the Count remonstrated, and told him that he had given permission to so-and-so to be absent. “A propos” – said Saurau – “are they not come back yet? Oh, I am glad I know it!” – “Your conduct,” said the Count, ” will make us all think you are afraid of us and that you know we do not like you”. – “I do not care what you think,” said the governor – “nor whether you like us or not – we have got you under now and we will keep you under”. The gentleman who told me this story had it from Porro!!! The Germans 19 must need be liked. The Emperor’s postillion broke his leg, and whilst writhing before his Imperial Majesty had not one conciliatory word – not one.

Whilst in our box, after Polidori and Carvella 20 the Greek came in, Monsignore Ludovico di Breme,21 an Abbate, one of Napoleon’s almoners for the Kingdom of Italy, whence his title – the son of a noble Piedmontese family, destined for the church, who has been offered two bishoprics 22 by Napoleon, and one by these people, but wishes rather to unfrock himself than to put on the mitre. He is a young man, about thirty, with a thick sharp face, aquiline nose, arched eyebrows and a fine forehead. He wears his dark hair combed upright, which gives him a wildness of expression not unlike that of Alfieri. He is on the whole one of the most attractive men I ever saw – he gave Lord Byron a most warm reception, and, as Madame de Staël had introduced me to him in her letter in favourable terms,23 was pointedly civil to me. As he opened upon us he appeared the very Pococurante of Italy,24 but his severities had only the humour not the malice of inter[ ]. He spoke with a certain degree of point on every subject, delivering his apothegms and ironies in the gravest tone and air, which made him quite irresistible.

He gave us a sketch of the theatre – he said the two first rows of boxes were the most polite and the most annoying – in the two next intrigues were arranged – in the fifth they were consummated – the sixth was open to anybody, like the pit – In the standing place of the pit the men talked commerce and news – in the seats they listened to the opera. Another time he told me, “I must let you into a little scandal – you see that box fifth from the stage in the second row? There is a Count Maruzi,25 a chamberlain of the Emperor of Russia – he and his party meet there to tell the most lascivious tales of their amours, which they continue to detail till they rush out to fresh encounters. For my part I believe he is employed as a political agent – he has an infinitude of wit. In that box you see the handsomest woman of Milan – she sends her husband to Naples and keeps that young man whom she plays with as a lover and a fool – which he is both – there is a lady of whom I have a right to speak, for she is in some degree my sister-in-law – my brother made love to her.”

Monsignore talked to us of Italian literature as in a deplorable state, and limited the poets of the day to Foscolo,26 Monti,27 and Pindemonte,28 – but these, he said, were only put in the second order, and in some sort imitators. He spoke with the utmost contempt of the pedantry of those who assume to themselves the direction of Italian literature, some of whom are of the class of nobles and in high society, whilst the men of real merit, such as Monti, are scarcely received. It appears that the conduct of the Biblioteca Italiana is in the hands of the pedants, who have made a furious attack on Madame de Staël for what she has said of <German> Italian literature,29 and have damned all translation, of which, say they, the Italians have no need – they should follow thus no models, they say. Breme and a young friend of his 30 have both answered these journalists, and defended Madame de Staël – and in an essay entitled Intorno all’Ingiustizia di alcuni Giudizi Letterari discorso di Lodovico Antonio Gattinara di Breme,31 and the other in a humourous pamphlet called Literary adventures of a day &c.32 …

Di Breme discanted to us on the pedantry of these slaves of La Crusca – and the Sei Cento 33 – one of them, Count Perticari of Pesaro, who has given the fine verses of Pandulfo Collenucio on death 34 (written whilst the executioners were waiting for him) in the Biblioteca Italiana, has actually made Cruscan critical notes on the licences in this poem – as if a man under the hangman was to think of the critical perfection of his verses, and correct them according to rules which were made some hundreds of years afterwards.

Breme spoke with contempt of Goldoni,35 and said that, though the only comedy writer, it was better to have none than such as his. Of Alfieri 36 his countryman he spoke as almost the only writer of modern times – though he said he had seen a tragedy on the subject of Francesca da Rimini 37 by a young man, his friend,38 which though not a perfect work was very affecting. This poet had shown his tragedy to Foscolo, who advised him to burn it – afterwards he showed it to Breme, who was delighted and put it into the hands of a celebrated actress,39 who played in it with great effect. Breme told his friend to write to Foscolo and advise of the success of his tragedy, instead of which he might burn his own wretched comedies.

Breme says “We have nothing left but our fine weather, which makes us extremely solicitous about it.” The Austrians have forbidden the acting of Alfieri on account of the freedom of the sentiments. The Piedmontese, who are the most stupid of God’s creatures, and attached to every old prejudice, so far from being proud, are ashamed of Alfieri, because he did not go to mass every day. The Countess of Albany 40 has just written to Breme to advise her whether she should leave Alfieri’s second library to Turin or Milan – Breme has returned “Certainly no” to Turin. The Abbate Caluso, Alfieri’s great friend,41 died in Breme’s arms. He was the best man living – he told Breme several singular [stories] of Alfieri, who left a letter for Caluso to be opened at his death – this Breme has got, and a great part of his correspondence which would not do for publication, nor do him any honour, as they showed the motive of his actions, and his aristocratical feelings which broke out when the King of Sardinia passed back to his throne in ’99. Caluso told Breme that when he went to Lisbon to study astronomy, Alfieri came to him and asked to stay with him. Caluso advised him to travel – “No,” said Alfieri, “pursue your studies – I will not interrupt you,” and in fact whilst the Abbate was ciphering he lay like a spaniel under Caluso’s table. This happened day after day, till the Abbate, having finished a happy calculation, took up an ode of Giudici 42 and read it aloud – he missed Alfieri from his legs, and, looking about, saw him in convulsions near the door. When he had recovered, the Count asked him what was the matter, and was told the effect was produced by the poetry. Caluso tried again – Alfieri was again dreadfully affected, and Caluso told him he was a poet. Alfieri owned this in a dedication to his friend, whom he loved like a mistress, says Breme.

Alfieri, when young, had very fine long hair which he wore à l’Apollon43 – his manner in company was never to speak, but his silence was most eloquent. He never sat down – one day at the Princess Carignani of the blood royal of Sardinia,44 he was leaning on a marble step amidst a service of china, which he had done often without danger – his hair got entangled, and he broke a cup – Madame Carignani was much annoyed, and said, ”You had better have broken the whole set” – on which Alfieri at once dashed all the china on the floor.

Alfieri thought he should have lived till seventy – he intended to have finished his life in London – Breme’s epithet for Goldoni was “parron Venetico”.45

We were delighted with the ballet, which was magnificently got up and well danced. As a specimen of Milan manners must not be forgot La Coppanta, who will not suffer herself to be touched but is the Atalanta of every Meleager for a crown.46 She is only sixteen – [and] La Rossa, a most perfect figure in man’s clothes. In the opera of the Brazen Head47 there were certain figurantes 48 which were always vigorously applauded – with that exception the play and talking in the boxes were never interrupted.

We stayed until the whole closed and then came home – pleased with all, but most with Monsignore Breme.

Monday October 14th 1816

In the morning Lord Byron, Polidori, and I went in carriage to the Ambrosian Library, where we saw the galleries of pictures, and particularly admired the Luinis 49 – for a holy family of whom some English Duchess 50 offered 6,000 guineas and fifty guineas to the carriage. There saw the bust of Agnesi, the learned professor of Pavia,51 very like Miss Bailey.52 Then went into the library, of which there is no catalogue. The showman excused this to me by saying, “If there had been a catalogue the French would have pilled us of our books as they did of our pictures 53 – they would have known what to take”. We saw the Ms. of Josephus on papyrus, the Virgil with Petrarch’s notes, and portions of the Mss. from which Mai has lately published several inedited portions of the classics, particularly Diogenes Harlicarnassus. The monks to whom they belonged used to write their missals across these works, and we saw an oration of Cicero’s so treated!!!

Generally speaking they seemed very ignorant of the treasures of this library – palimpsests.54

From this place we went to the Cathedral, and saw the pictures that were hung up in the church when Napoleon was crowned.55 They sent for tapestries to all the neighbouring cities. We saw the body of St Charles Borromeo in its crystal case.56 Those who were praying around the shrine which looks down upon the interior seemed more attentive to us than their prayers – the body is shocking. The sockets of the eyes show a sort of dish, looking like corruption. The picture of St Charles gives a most sensual physionomy.

We left the church. I and Polidori walked about looking for lodgings – saw none. Byron and I, after dinner at which Polidori dined with us, had a visit from Monsignore Breme, who amused us at this and a subsequent meeting with some most ridiculous stories of Schlegel and Madame de Staël.

Madame de Staël was one day saying that she was glad she published her Allemagne some time ago.57 If she had done so now it would have been too late – nobody cares about Germany, literature was on the decline – “Quoi Madame, vous osez dire ça du pays de Frederick Schlegel devant William Schlegel?” – “Alas!” said Madame de Staël, throwing herself back in her chair, “Comme la vanité est bete!”

Schlegel was one day talking English to Miss Randall.58 Breme said, “It seems to me that the English, for a man that does not understand it, is rather a harsh language”. Schlegel went up to Madame de Staël and said, “I see Madame, that there is a conspiracy in your house against me. Everybody is resolved to offend me”. Madame de Staël was writing. She threw down her pen – “Dites-moi donc, Monsieur de Breme, qu’avez-vous fait pour offenser à Monsieur Schlegel?” – Breme explained, but in vain – he said he did not know that Schlegel was hired defender of all nations. – “Sir,” said Schlegel, “anyone could see you meant to laugh at my way of pronouncing English”.

Schlegel says Italian is a dialect of the German – he is an excessive adulator of the great, and especially of German grandeur – he was shocked that Madame de Staël did not show more alarm at the Prince of Mecklenburg “Madame,” said he, “ne connaissez-vous que c’est un prince de Mecklenburg Schwerin?”59

He would not allow Canova any merit. “Pray,” said Breme “have you seen his group of filial piety?” – Schlegel rose up, and, coming close to Breme, “Avez-vous vu ma buste par Tieck”?60 I wish I could give Breme’s way of telling this story.61 He added, “It were in vain to tell him that there was no imagination in the bust but a verité affreuse, &c.”

Schlegel said that Locke was unsatisfactory – that he did not account for the phenomenon of the human mind. Breme said he accounted for it as well as reason would allow. “La Raison – je me moque de la Raison.” – “Quoi!” said Breme, “voulez-vous donc que les hommes [ ]62 se frotter au professeur Schlegel pour s’informer 63 de la verité?” – “Quoi!” exclaimed Schlegel, rising, “du sarcasme?” and rapping the table stalked out of the room.

Rocca and Breme once calculated that he drew 36,000 francs a year from Madame de Sta&emul;l – 6,000 in money. In his room he has a picture of three naked women showing their pugœ – Breme remonstrated with him – “Je vous dirai,” said Schlegel, “il y a une grande difference – est ce que vous avez jamais lu Platon?” – “Que diable de rapport entre Platon et les feuses nus d’une fille?”

Schlegel has a habit of walking in with some great book and throwing it down with a great noise – also of leaving oriental books, and when he saw anybody leaning over the pages, to go up to him and say, “What, sir? Don’t you know that oriental books always begin by the end?” – Breme got an Armenian book 64 and took him in. Schlegel made the same remark, only saying “It is odd that this book begins with the Finis.” Breme exposed him.

Schlegel wanted Madame de Staël to marry him – he is now in a sort of treaty with a lady and, it is possible, will get Madame de Staël to receive her in her house.

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We went to Breme’s box at the theatre. He had lighted two candles in it to our honour. We looked little, but had a deal of talk with a Mr Bonire 65 or some such name, another young man, and the Marquis Breme, the oldest brother of the Abbate’s.66

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Heard some curious things with respect to this part of Italy – everyone discontent[ed] in Piedmont. The priests do not think that enough has been done for them by the restored government – the nobles are in the same persuasion, and if they begin to stir, it is thought that a commotion will ensue – the lower orders are starving amidst abundance, and see besides a restoration of all the old habits of the <Empire> most enslaved part of Europe. The schoolmasters are forbid to name Alfieri 67 – this Monti told me – and Metastasio is partly forbidden in Lombardy.68 I could make very little out, except that the greatest discontent prevailed, and that no rational hope of bettering their condition remained. They (not Breme) seemed far from Napoleonists – on the contrary, they said that this party was more against liberty than any, that they gave in to the present government as easily as they gave in to the last, and so they could be the majority under any change, so they were most to be feared – they made any attempt dangerous. Of Prince Eugene 69 they said he thought only of himself and of making himself king – his great fear was of Murat.70 Murat they never considered in any other light than that of a French general, though in 1814, if he had known how to manage with address, he might have done something for Italy – on the contrary he only employed the freemasons to prepare the way for his efforts, and as the spies of Eugene were also freemasons, the Prince contrived to frustrate all Murat’s efforts by the same means which that Prince employed. The Italians felt no sympathy for either of them – and even Napoleon himself, who might have been their saviour, they only considered as having made the Kingdom of Italy a province of France. Besides, the Kingdom of Italy was but a small part of Italy.71 They saw the French Emperor was resolved <only> to retain their army divisions in order to keep them more easily under his governor. It is not to be denied that he did give a military spirit to a certain portion of the Italians 72 – he made a large army of Italians, but then he never sent them to fight for Italy – they were aware they were fighting for France. Had Napoleon made himself King of all Italy, without being French Emperor, then indeed they would regard him as their benefactor, but they would not be a province of France. They considered the masons still in activity, though forbidden – the lodge Carbonari at Naples,73 which was against Murat, is now also in opposition to the present government, and tempers its ferocity. These gentlemen seemed to think that a spirit of instruction and intelligence had gone forth which had never before been disseminated in Italy 74 – this was their only hope – the King of Sardinia 75 was the natural liberator of Italy. If he would march with his 50,000 men, with whom he supports himself, against all his subjects, and whom he exclusively patronises.

The same gentlemen gave a most melancholy [account] of the state of society – literature was held in no sort of honour, and if a man knew a little Greek he was looked on as a prodigy provided he belonged to a certain class. A constitution seemed to be their great cry. Whilst they were talking very freely, Borsieri 76 got up and said “We may as well shut the door”. For my own part, I thought the fact of such a conversation being held at all was a good sign.

Walking home, I tried to put them up to our state of politics, of which they were totally ignorant. I should not forget that Breme, talking with me, said that the Italians were unjust and foolish towards Napoleon – they heard the cry of his being a tyrant in France and a usurper in Spain [and] they adopted the same sentiments in Italy, forgetting that it was very possible for him to be very serviceable in one country, and very pernicious in another. Napoleon had certainly taught the Milanese that they could do something, and the conscription itself was not without its advantages. The mass was stagnant. He raised it up, put it in motion by the extreme activity of his government, and taught the Italians what it was to see and feel and act in an active government, which they never had had before – indeed a Colonel Fitzgerald,77 who has been a long time in this country, tells me that there were 18,000 employees 78 in Milan alone – the habit of activity, to whatever end, was new and useful to the Lombards.

My politicians showed me [to] my home – I went to bed and read Matthison’s letters 79 – his character of the French [ ] at the beginning of the revolution is inimitable. In a note is a singular anecdote about Boccaccio,80 one of whose tales was translated by his friend Petrarch twenty-four years after it was written, Petrarch not knowing who was the author.

Sunday October 15th 1816

Went this morning to the Ambrosian Library and saw the autograph letters of Lucrezia Borgia to Pietro Bembo 81 – they seem full of regard, or perhaps more – one is subscribed “desiderova gratificatavi 82 – Lucretia, duchessa di Ferrara” – in some instances she makes this sign instead of her name: “FF”.83 She addresses him “caro mio” and “carissimo mio” (Mss. Bembo). There are some Spanish verses of hers also – a long lock of her bright yellow hair is preserved. Byron tried to get a copy of the letter and was half promised as much, but he failed. He has taken one hair however, which he says he will have this motto for: –

And beauty draws us by a single hair …84

After this we went to the Brera Institution 85 and saw the gallery of pictures, which delighted us very much – most particularly a Guercino representing the putting away of Hagar 86 – the face of Hagar and the figure of Ismail are beyond all praise – the woman is at that point of distress which causes a distraction of the face, but the painter has contrived to show the minute before the eyes are to melt in tears, so that none of the beauty nor the reality is lost. A Raphael 87 representing the marriage of the Virgin Mary and Joseph 88 cost 100,000 francs – it represents Mary covering her lower body as if with child, which I apprehended she was not when first married – Byron said yes, Breme no.

There is a picture of Pope Gregory VIII giving his dinner to the XII pilgrims, at which the bon dieu came down and sat himself next to the Pope. Paul Veronese 89 has introduced his own person here, and makes a cardinal look 90 through an eyeglass at the newcomer.

We came home and talked in the evening. Breme came and talked most amusingly as usual – he told us that Beccaria 91 did his utmost to hang his servant for stealing his snuff-box.

He mentioned how Monti’s daughter and Mustoxidthi the Greek 92 made a sentimental love which was the talk of all Milan.93 They wrote fine letters – Mustoxidthi showed his signorina’s correspondence to Breme. “Why,” said Breme, “this appears to me all Clementina – this from Julietta – this from Héloïse!”94 whereat Mustoxidhti was much shocked, and said she was the most natural of writers and truest of lovers. Shortly after, Mustoxidthi came to Breme in the greatest distress – Monti had given his daughter to Count Julian Perticari of Pesaro,95 who thought he might become the son of a great poet by marrying his daughter, and demanded her hand by letter. “But,” said Mustoxidthi, “I am sure she will die of anguish. I hope she will, poor thing!” In a day or two Mustoxidthi came again to Breme and threw a letter on the table. Breme took it up read it – “Ah!” said he, “there is no Clementina here – all her own – nothing more simple and easy and natural”. And so it was, for she told Mustoxidthi that she was sure he would be happy to hear that she was most content with her choice and husband!!!

Breme let out his ethic. He said of St Paul’s conversion that if God made it necessary to knock a man off his horse 96 and make him blind and open his eyes again, which man was a contemporary of the miracles and life and doctrine of Jesus Christ, how much more necessary should he think it to work individual miracles to make believers in this day, amongst those who have only books written 1,800 years ago, instead of ocular demonstration to induce this belief? I told Breme that Lord Lyttleton 97 made the conversion of St Paul the principal rational argument for Xtianity, but that it appeared the assuming Paul to be a fair trial of any doctrine was absurd, as he was not a wise man, for he was a persecutor – this of course fell in with Byron’s notions – Byron 98 was against talking of these things to women and children, but he said he could no more be a Xtian 99 than he could be an atheist. His sens intime of a divinity, although he could not account for it, was as certain a proof to him that there was a cause for it as the influence upon the compass was a sign there was some cause for the direction of the magnetic needle to the pole.100

I concluded from this that theism was the present persuasion of the better instructed Italians.

Breme said he wished he could get Castlereagh’s answer to the Italian deputies that went to him in 1814, asking him for a constitution 101 – the sum of it was that he had nothing to do with them – they must go to their Emperor of Austria. He added besides something about the policies of England. My Colonel Fitzgerald said since that Sir Robert Wilson was one of the chief causes of the deputation.102

After our own delightful Breme left us, we 103 wrote letters to Lady Hobhouse and Charlotte and Sophy – this morning I heard from her, and Harry and Baillie.

Wednesday October 16th 1816

Went this morning to see the Last Supper of Leonardo da Vinci, of which Breme had told us that the monks, against the wall of whose refectory it was painted in a fresco, had cut away eight <head/>legs of apostles in order to open a hole to a fireplace. The refectory is cleaned out and a stage of wood put up near the picture – which attention to the beaux arts of the Provex Eugene is faithfully recorded, in large letters over the door of the hall. The fresco is terribly blistered, but the beauty of the St John is not lost.104

Called on a Colonel Fitzgerald,105 whom Baillie had recommended me to, and who lives in the Casa Castiglione – a fine house apparently.

Came home, dined, Breme came in and cozed 106 for some time as usual – afterwards I wrote journal and read some of Breme’s pamphlet in defence of Madame de Staël.107

This night wrote a letter for Polidori, who is going to try to make himself physician to the Princess of Wales – poor thing, she must be mad. Her scudiero108 “Baron” Bergami 109 – dressed like a harlequin – was hissed the other day in the streets of Milan. The Princess of Wales, at an entertainment she gave where was Count Borromeo, had an ass brought in to table, caressed it before the company, and crowned it with roses – she calls her palace “the Villa d’Este”. She has ruined herself with the Italians.

Thursday October 17th 1816

Rain for the first day. Some time, went at past five, having sat in writing all day, to the Casa Roma 110 to dine 111 with Monsignor Breme, who lives in that large palace with his brother the Marquis. We found a large party of young men, some of whom we knew there, and Lord Byron as well as myself most gallantly received: indeed, the enthusiasm which 112 my poetical friend meets is something extraordinary.

Mirabeau, the banker here,113 came with his letters, merely to see le célèbre poète, and Breme says he thinks he is more like Petrarch than any other writer.114 His encomiums to myself would make me blink in England, but here only serve to make me fancy that I shall be sure of a favourable and fair reception, and of having a just interpretation put upon what I say or do. This gives a facility of manner which I never remember to have before recognized, and makes me as yet like this place better than any other I have ever seen.115 A persuasion that I am of the liberal English, and more than all here, a hater 116 of the Congress Castlereagh system, gives me a willing audience in this place, which is not elsewhere found, at least I have not found it.

There was a Monsieur de Beyle,117 one of Napoleon’s secretaries and intendants de la militaire de la couronne there, a little fat whiskered man – unfortunately I hardly had a word with him.118

A Colonel Finch was there,119 who takes snuff and has been a long time abroad, and has a character for understanding Italian literature, but whom I found a very tiresome man, telling 120 me his feelings, which are selfish, and his information, which is confused – however, he is a democrat, though of a noble family, as he told me, and convinced that the Congress is a conspiracy against the liberties of mankind – he told me he should go back to England when one of his own family, the misery of his existence, should die – he said, “Mr Hobhouse, I regret I am not in England now – to read your Travels”121 – I was bowing and thanking, when he said, “Nay – I didn’t say I should like them”.

There was at dinner the little Silvio Pellico, author of Francesca da Rimini – I did not hear him say a word – also an Italian who has translated Sterne.122 Monti was expected, but was not [present] when we sat down. We were in a noble room – sat down to a very noble dinner in the true style – Byron and I on each side of Breme, who continued saying agreeable things, and recommended his dishes – we had no absurd womankind 123 with us.

In the middle of dinner Monsignore got up and brought in il cavaliere Monti,124 and introduced him to Byron and to me – he sat between Byron and me 125 as he is very deaf of his left ear – his face is very expressive – and large shaggy eyebrows – a nose rather hooked at the end – a mouth rather projecting, but of a present mild expression – a curved but high forehead and shaggy greyish hair – a large form rather and a little bent. He was in boots. I looked at this man with a sort of blind admiration, as having read of his translation of Homer in the Hermes Logios,126 and of his being the first poet of the day in Italy – there is certainly something very impressive and expressive in his whole appearance. He said nothing during dinner that I can recollect – nor was anything said – the conversation ran upon going to Greece.127

We got up very soon after dinner and went into another room. Then talking commenced, and Monti had a violent harangue against everybody in the room – he was for imitating Homer, and the [ ] originality was impossible – nothing was left for the moderns but following the old models – he quoted Shakespeare in proof. We all thought very much to the contrary. Breme told me he was like a child in argument – “We revere him,” he said, “like our papa – he is the best proof against his own theories, for even when writing on mythological subjects he is quite new and modern”. The whole party seemed to delight in making him angry, and he poured forth torrents of dogma. When at last he had finished he talked quietly to Lord Byron and me. We remarked that Milton was a great reader of the Italians, and that he had been said to have stolen his Paradise Lost from them. Monti said there was not the least trace of it, and that it was like saying the artist who made the Venus was a thief because he had picked up the clay from somewhere. He then said he liked the cannon 128 in heaven 129 and the angels flinging hills at each other.130 Here we saw what he meant, and broke up the conference with a laugh.

We went to the theatre, Breme with us. By the way he said Monti was no more the Monti of former times – “Je le révére comme son portrait,” said Breme – which I thought beautifully said. He talked with enthusiasm of Monti’s poetry, and repeated part of his ode on the death of Louis XVI,131 which he said was enough to make a nation revolt – he tells the French that the royal blood sprinkled on the scaffold is the blood of their children.132 Also, speaking of the flight of Ferdinand of Naples, Monti says that he dreamt of Brutus and thought his dagger cut his breast – but that he was not worthy of dying by the stroke of Brutus.133 Breme said that Monti’s real feeling was towards liberty – but that his extreme weakness made him the flatterer of every successive power – he could withstand nothing – a gold snuff box [ ] debolissimo.

When we came to the play, after some little time, Monti, and Count Perticari his son-in-law, came into the box. Monti sat next to me – we had a deal of political talk – I found him in the same strain as all – he lamented that he was too old to hope to see a change – he should not live once more to sing the liberties of Italy. I told him now was the time for him to sing and rouse his countrymen – “Ah,” said he, “it would be vox clamantis in deserto”.134 He mentioned that the Emperor of Austria had said that there was too much luxury, too much magnificence, too many schools – “Enough if my subjects know how to write and read”. The same monarch had not desired to speak to a single man of the Italian Institution who had done any honor to the country – neither Volta,135 nor any of the scientific or literary character – his minister, Count Saurau, said publicly that the Emperor considered the cultivation of the sciences and arts as having a revolutionary tendency. He lent over to Byron to tell him these thoughts in a low, earnest voice.

He told me that there was no way of getting at any account of the real grievances of the country – no-one dared to write, scarcely to think, politics – he hoped however that the English who travelled could tell truth at home. England was the only tribunal yet open for [blot] and complaints of Europe. He said that a certain portion of instruction had gone out among the people, which would not be put down, but must produce good fruits. Monti, on hearing me say, pointing to the Austrian soldiers in the pit, “There are your professors”, took out his spectacles, looked through them and said, “Ah, yes. Ecco i nostri padroni”. He rose to go away – we all rose with him – I observed my friend had kept his eye upon him a good while, and more than once pressed him to take his front seat 136 – certainly the respect due to great eminence in literature, especially poetry, was most of all helped out by his appearance and manner – Lord Byron says he is like a picture of Garrick.

After Monti and Perticari went, Breme came next to us and talked with his usual spirit – he said that the future bride of the Emperor of Austria, the rejected [bride] of the Prince of Würtemberg,137 was so vulgar-looking and ugly that he turned her out of the court circle when on duty, and she obeyed with all celerità. The next day advanced Napoleon with the Queen of Bavaria 138 – the King of Bavaria with the Vice-Queen of Italy, and Prince Eugene with the vulgar, ugly woman – “Oh!” said Breme “Je suis perdu!” – he told this in his best style.

The audience hissed the dancing farce tonight as having been too often played. We went home with an Ms. of Francesca da Rimini. I read the account of Pandolfo Colloneio, and thought little of Perticari.

Friday October 18th 1816

This morning Colonel Fitzgerald called, and showed us the very double of Foote’s Cadwallader.139 His chief font and origin was Madame Castiglione of that noble house, with whom he lives.140 This lady he was in love with twenty-five years ago. He went to the wars – she consoled herself – several parentheses, as Breme told us – then occurred – when lo! the peace happened, and my man crossed the sea and the Alps and falls blindly at her feet. Madame has a difficult [time] in recollecting, until mounting from reminiscence to reminiscence, she recognized her lover. Such virtue was never heard of – it should be rewarded: and the Colonel was established in her house where he has been three years, nearly, and where he shows off his hostess like one of the wonders of Milan.141

The Colonel told us that Eugene Beauharnais 142 was one of the richest individuals in Europe. The Milanese, never having been occupied by the Austrians in 1814 en enemie, had not been considered a conquered country, though the parts of Italy in possession of the Austrians had been confiscated and the properties not yet restored. When Eugene was shut up in Mantua there were only 400 troops in Milan, and at that time he made a forced loan of which one house in Milan had to pay 28,000. The Colonel said they prayed for the Austrians to enter, and wrote to Bellegarde,143 who continued in great ceremony with Eugene, until the English arrived under Lord William Bentinck 144 and settled the affair. It was reported that the Senate were about to recall the Viceroy, the consequence of which was that the mob proceeded to the Senate and took down Eugene’s picture – they then went in search of Prina,145 the Minister of Finance. Him they found in the act of disguising himself to escape – he was rescued, but unfortunately put by [the absence of] any [place] of security into a coffee-house opposite their public place of meeting, for he was discerned again by the people, who burst in upon him and beat him to death with their umbrellas.146 They tore down his palace which occupied one side of a square here. Then the persons of property began to apprehend a general sack by the mob, and after some hours of of fright, during which they improvidently left the town gates open, so that hundreds flocked in from the country, recovered Milan and to the number of about 4,000 armed and [ ] sentry overthrew [ ].

Such was the unpopularity of the Viceroy that great precautions were necessary in providing for the safe retreat even of the Vice-Queen.

The Colonel said that the ordinary revenue of the state under Napoleon was 200 millions of francs, of which thirty were sent to France, and the remainder, by the management of Melzi, Duke of Lodi,147 spent in the country, which gave an activity to the Kingdom, and especially the capital, before unknown to Italians – 18,000 were employed in Milan alone. The Colonel related that when the Emperor came here he was far from angry with the progress of things – said the late government had left many fine things, and he should use them – the country not being a conquest, a great many were left in employment who had served before.

The Colonel imputes the institution of the Biblioteca Italiana to the Austrians and the putting Acerbi 148 at the head of it. It had been before then thought necessary to confer some status on Acerbi for his literary labours, and they [had] sent him to Lisbon as Consul, where there was no salary and no honor.

The Colonel told [us] that Napoleon, when he came to Milan first, sent for all the young men and told them he would make something of them – he would make them soldiers. He added that he would take them in six months to the Tower of London. This he said on a balcony of a house opposite to the Casa Castiglione, and in hearing of one of the young Castigliones, who entered into the army and was drowned. It was before he went to Egypt. Madame Castiglione, seeing the way he treated his officers, said “That man will never be content with being General in Chief”.

After the Colonel left us we went with young Carvella to the Mint, where we saw first the library and the collection of ancient and modern medals, including the Congress of Vienna. Also we saw the Chinese books of vases and Geography of their Empire – which are very singular. Lord Spencer 149 has them not – the workmanship of the vases is most minute and elegant – the maps are like the map I saw at Vienna of the Roman world at the time of Theodosius. Also saw a book on natural history with outlines of animals, very well executed – which, together with the painting and the paper, gave me a new idea of the perfection of the arts in China – the paper was double; the printing therefore was only on one side – the collection of books seems very good, especially in what relates to monies and monuments – it was the work of the last government. The mint was exceedingly well-regulated, and the machinery, very neat, worked by water. We saw stamped some Maria Theresa dollars, and some five-franc Napoleons of silver of 1814, a coinage which still continues whilst the owner of the image is in an African island.150 One of the stamping machines pushes off the struck coin to make way for the ensuing piece – in the one in which this is done by hand, 1,000 are struck in three-quarters of an hour, about.

We came homewards, and Carvella and I went to a bookseller, where there seemed a very good collection of classics, and where I bought a Museius de populi Atticæ151 – at another, a sort of Paternoster Row place, I bought an Atero Attica152 for eight francs – twelve being asked – the number of books exposed for sale even in the street at Milan is considerable. Home – dinner – writing journal, talking &c. till twelve.

Saturday October 19th 1816

Colonel Fitzgerald called – told anecdotes of the Princess of Wales – how she made Keppel Craven 153 get up and show her beefeater’s uniform to him and James Grattan,154 how she was found eating beefsteaks and drinking porter – how she wanted to have a fête given her in the Champ de Mars, and how, when she was present at one given at the Arena on the Emperor’s name-day, all the quality of Milan left the place where she sat down on account of her having asked women of bad character – the Mesdames Flesches 155 – to her ball. She desired James Grattan to give her love to his father, and tell him she was spending her 35,000 a year all on her own countrymen.156

Polidori has not been preferred – he went to the Villa d’Este 157 with his letter, and was stopped in La Mira by two Austrian grenadiers – after he did get his letter delivered (after some helping from behind doors) issued out Baron Bergami,158 some Englishmen, and Doctor Mochetti,159 all very civil, and the last in the actual enjoyment of the place which Polidori sought. Polidori frankly told him he was sorry the Doctor had his appointment.

She was painted by Bossi 160 as a Venus “with scarce a rag upon her carcase”, as Fitzgerald said. She has sent the Pope some Jerusalem relics.161

By the way, Monti told me that the government of the Pope was the most liberal in Italy.

Breme and Polidori came in – discussion about the merits of the Improvvisatore. My colonel lauded him to the skies – Breme said that if he was in England and talked so, he would be driven away [by] coups de derrière.162

Byron and I went to the Ambrosian Library and bought Mai’s books 163 for 98 francs, then to the Brera Gallery, which was the work of the late government. Saw Idron Vernon and his wife 164 – admired the Hagar again.

Went after to the Casa Castiglione, where we were introduced to sundry, very inferior to Breme – a Roman defended the improvvisatori – at last came in Madame la Marquise,165 exceedingly old indeed, and vastly polite, and apparently sensible – her face, however, hardly supposed a flame of twenty-five years.

The Roman today told me he heard of a certain celebrated English poet, “Pairon” – “He is there,” said I – “Oh!”

Leaving Casa Castiglione and my dear Sir, we went to the the Marquis Cagnola’s,166 who showed us his plan for the triumphal arch here,167 and also for the great building on the summit of Mont Cenis, which was to be erected in pursuance of a decree written on the field of battle at Wurtchen by Napoleon himself and sent to Paris immediately, where it was put into activity, and the academies of Paris, Amsterdam, Milan, Naples, and Rome invited to send in their designs for the execution. The Marquis Cagnola made a plan of his own, which was accepted – the building was to be capable of holding two thousand cavalry at a need – but as grandeur was to be cultivated more than utility, its dimensions were to be secondary to its beauty. The number of columns was to have been 146, their height eighty feet, their diameter ten, which would have made the building twice as big as the Cathedral of Milan. Over the porch of the principal front was to have been a six-horse car, carrying Napoleon, and on the frieze beneath the inscription, which was nothing more than the decree which Napoleon wrote on the field, and which expressed that “Napoleon, Emperor of the French, raised this monument to recognise his appreciation of his subjects of France and Italy who raised 1,200,000 men to the insure the integrity of the Empire and of its allies”. The cost was to have been twenty-five millions – every article but wood was on the spot – the building was to have been of marble, all but the capitals, which were to have been of bronze. The battle of Leipzig stopped the whole proceeding.

The Marquis showed us a plan which he had made for a building at Malmaison for the Empress Josephine.

We took leave of this artist Marquis,168 and came home and dined – after dinner came in Monsignor Breme and Polidori – the former was as usual entertaining – he told us a story of Count Fersen 169 and Madame Castiglione 170 – the Count carried her off, half-reluctant, some distance – they came to an inn, and whilst at dinner heard some music – Count Fersen said, “Now, if these gentlemen in the next room have any politeness they will come into the room and play to us” – so saying he opened the door between the rooms and repeated the observation – when lo! at the head of the band, fiddle in hand, strutted in the Marquis Castiglione himself. Madame, being of ready wit, said she had come to meet her husband,171 but Fersen said, “Ah, je ne prends pas les choses comme cela!”172 – pushed the Marquis out of the room, locked the door and attaccate i cavale subito173 – he was off, and carried Madame several days journey off.

Breme then told us all about his quarrel with Acerbi, which chiefly rose on account of Madame de Staël.174 Acerbi <was found often with her whilst at> was a constant attendant at Milan and when she was [at] Florence, joined in the abuse of her. Breme remonstrated with him publicly, and told him to take either one side or the other, when Acerbi shuffled very much. Afterwards, when Madame de Staël sent an article to the Biblioteca Italiana, in which there was just half-a-dozen words said of Breme, Acerbi put the article in and left out the praise. Breme wrote to Acerbi, or went to him – he said Monti had left it out – Breme went to Monti – he denied it, and was in a great rage with Acerbi – then Breme gave his porter orders never to let Acerbi into his house, and indeed a dead cut ensued. Madame de Staël has since written to Breme to make it up with Acerbi, but he says it is of no use to attempt pacification with a rogue – he says he is Saurau’s spy.175

When he admitted Madame de Staël’s article, he gave a sort of invitation to answer it. It seems that the first offence given by Madame de Staël was in her essay The Influence of Literature,176 many years ago, which some dramatic sayings of Lord Nelvil and Count Erfeuil from Corinna177 have called into remembrance, and caused an alarm in Italy – Madame de Staël was attacked in the Piedmonten Gazette in an article on Romanes, afterwards copied into the 52nd paper of the Milan Spectator – Monsignor di Breme composed his essay in her defence, which he destined for the Biblioteca Italiana, and which Acerbi since told us he refused to put in – and this gave Breme offence. Borsieri also wrote his Giorno,178 and the other side have replied by attacking him in the Milan Gazette in a mock farce Italien. The Spectator are assisted by the Aristarchi, or authors of a journal called Dialogues of the Dead, in which the course of Italian literature is defended against all foreigners, and all imitation is forbidden to Italians except of their own models – and many high praises are thrown out in favour of very insignificant, boring writers, put into 179 the mouths of the Dantes and Petrarchs in the shades.

Breme has answered in a dialogue written in the Giornale di Litteratura e belle Arti, published at Florence between a pretended Madonna, Messere, and Cavaliere, that is Madame de Staël, the journalist, and di Breme, and called Romanticomania.180

A good and short view may be collected from the Giorno of Borsieri of the present literary squabble.

The right of the question I have not been able to see, but it appears to me that Breme is right in laughing at the complacency with which the Italians cry up their own writers – which in some measure puts them on a bench with the Greeks.181 They seem to have hardly any translations – their present great writers are reduced to Botta 182 and Mai!! – the historian of the American War, and the editor of the Ambrosian Ms.

When di Breme went away I sat down and wrote a parody on the beginning of the article in the Biblioteca Italiana written on the Halicarnassus of Mai,183 which is miserably done – up late – article in French.

Sunday October 20th 1816

Found Fitzgerald and Acerbi with Byron 184 – the latter a middle-aged, tallish man with black eyes, not polished manners, and something sly in his looks … talking temperately, and casting around his eye to see if he was safe. Our Colonel could introduce the subject of the critique in the Edinburgh Review in which Acerbi was cut up 185 – “My dear Acerbi, they abuse you cursedly, till they come to what you said or thought of the North Pole.” Byron and I died of laughing – Acerbi was unflushed. The Colonel then could talk of Breme, and Acerbi said he was a clever, excellent man but a shocking writer, and that Madame de Staël was glad his defence of her was not inserted in the Biblioteca. She had said so in the presence of him and Breme – when we said we knew Madame de Staël he drew in – [said] perhaps Breme had not heard it. We were convinced Acerbi lied.

Acerbi said that Breme had had a comedy hissed at Mantua 186 although he, Acerbi, had made a party in its favour – this was too much – we burst into a loud laugh.

“Why,” said Acerbi, “Breme is an excellent man, a worthy man, but has a little too good opinion of himself so as to speak indecently of our best writers – he has called Goldoni a parron Veneziani,187 and abused Castiglione.188 He is a very worthy youth – there is no crime in not being able to write comedies!!” So he went on, taking him up and setting him down in the true Mr Sneer style.189

However, when we began to talk of Italian literature, he seemed to think as low of its present state as Breme. He said they were in [a] terrible state of ignorance – he, as editor of the Biblioteca, had a great difficulty in his choice of articles – he was obliged to choose the best of bad – he had enough – but bad. Those who wrote well and had a name thought it beneath them to write in a journal. He was the first who gave money for the articles, and was thought a fool for it – he gave forty francs a sheet. He had thought of making the articles anonymous. He owned there were great difficulties as to the choice of sentiments – when Perticari sent him his life of Collenucio,190 Acerbi showed it to Saurau – and sent it to a counsellor of state, who struck out several passages. Acerbi showed the thing to Saurau, who let it pass. This was reckoned a great liberality, “But,” said Acerbi, “the counsellor was afraid of losing his place, which Saurau was not”. Politics are totally excluded from the press, and physics, if they bear upon religion – thus Galli’s system,191 having a tendency to materialism, is not allowed to be introduced. Comedies cannot be written because any censure of high life would be stopped by the police. Thus Goldoni has confined himself to the Jocandas.192 History, of course, is not likely to be written in a country where any sentiment or narrative unfavourable to governments would be at once put down. The Austrian government, however, began the Biblioteca and invites the prefects and commissioners to subscribe, which they do, and thus take off 800 copies of the 1,600 which are published every month and subscribed for – this Acerbi said was an unheard-of subscription for Italy, where 400 was reckoned a decent number. There were five journals – in Milan, his, the Spectator, the Dialogues of the Dead, and two medical journals – one medical at Padua, two journals at Florence, two at Naples – and one elsewhere.193 None of these but his own sold more than 400, and his plan was quite new to Italy.

He said that the best encouragement given to a writer here was when a bookseller would take the risk and divide the profits – no man ever lives by literature here. We gave him a sketch of our own reviewing system and its dispersion of literature – he was thunderstruck when he heard of £800 per annum being given to the editors of the Edinburgh and Quarterly194 … he allowed the Spectator and the Dialogues to be sad trash, and would soon close.

He told [us] that Gibbon and Hume are forbidden in Italy – Acerbi owned that there was more freedom as to past things in Napoleon’s time, but less as to present – I told Acerbi that was merely saying that some things were allowed by Napoleon which were not by the Austrians, and vice-versa, as writing of past things belonged to the present exercise of liberty as much as anything else – Napoleon did not forbid Hume, Gibbon, Voltaire, nor Locke, nor any book not written against his government.

Acerbi abused the King of Piedmont violently, and said it was thought he would break up the Simplon Road.195 He thought any sovereign but his own fair game.

When he went away we thought him a shabby fellow, most decidedly inferior to our Breme set, although he says 196 things with a certain precision, which gives a weight to his opinions. We dined and I wrote journal, besides reading Il Giorno.197 Byron has advised me not to show Breme my parody 198 which gave me so much trouble, and I have multi generosi concedat.199

I am to be persuaded of anything – Joseph my servant last week made me buy a pair of horses for twenty-five louis – they are those which brought me down from Geneva, and have dragged me and Byron about the town. In yesterday’s Gazette of Milan was an extract from the Bologna Gazette in which was a most glorious puff of Signor Sgricci the Improvvisatore, who is admired by Acerbi, and is, he says, to be crowned at Rome.200 Indeed, they were going to crown him there before, but his friends wished to wait until he had the suffrages of all Italy!!!

Monday October 21st 1816

In the morning Monti called with Silvio Pellico, the author of Francesca da Rimini, and Borsieri, the author of the Giorno.201 Monti and the others talked loudly in praise of Shakespeare. Monti said he was a great comic writer – he said there were three great geniuses since the world began: – Homer, Dante, and Shakespeare 202 – they had no tolerable translation in verse of Shakespeare, none so good as the French prose.203 Monti mentioned that when he was young Dante was out of fashion – Cesarotti 204 was all for the French – and his (Monti’s) master, Betinelli,205 was for the scientists, and told him not to trouble himself with “that old fellow Dante”. Monti repeated part of that satire of Dante’s, in which he says of the pope and his mule covered by the pope’s long cloak “due bestie sotta 206 una pelle”.207 This he quoted on occasion of showing us a snuff box on which was the picture of Pius VII, given him by the Pope himself.

After Monti went we went out sight-seeing. Went to the church of St Ambrosio – the cloisters are more inspiring than the church, and contain several ancient inscriptions. In the church we saw a small statue of St Maria, the sister of St Ambrose,208 whose relics were removed there in 1812 after a procession round the city – the sculpture is very beautiful. Saw the stone chair in which St Ambrose sat – also his stone pulpit, with the Apostles carved round it at supper – each “up to his ankles in his own mess”, as Forsyth says.209 The brazen serpent I did not see, unless it was an eagle stuck under the pulpit – this church whither the [ ] church.

Thence we went to the Porta Marengo, and in the way saw the old Corinthian columns, smoke-dried in a dirty street just before St Lorenzo’s church, which are called Maximian’s baths. No ruins in the midst of Constantinople could be more disregarded.210 The church of St Lorenzo is of that singular brickwork faced with richly ornamented stucco which is so common in this country, but not I think to be met with elsewhere, at least not in England. The cupola seems universal in the old religious buildings of any size.

The gate of Marengo is simple and handsome but, not of marble – the inscription now is Arc Privato Extructum Dedic 1815.

We went hence on the outside of the town ditch and its green rampart, and entering another gate went to the church of St Celso, in the front of which with iron network, we saw two divinities – a Venus, and I should think a young Bacchus in marble, very beautifully sculptured. I thought them antique [but] they are Adam and Eve – they are the work of one Laurenzo Stildo, so the church guide told us if I made him out. In the church of the Saint, we saw the altar on which the nail of the true cross, which hangs in the Cathedral,211 was laid by St Charles when he appeased the pestilence, by making a procession of this nail round the city. There is a boat hung up in the cathedral now, and in this bottom the priest, or priests, are drawn round the top of the church to the spot where the nail is deposited and above they take it to show it. St Charles could not make himself respectable by all his virtues without pretending to the belief in the nail.212 We saw some pictures by Julius Cæsar Procacci and his brother, and also some frescoes in the dome by Appiani, also the apparition of Mary and her child, such as it appeared in opening some part of the ground of the church.

This ride showed us a beautiful view of the whole range of the Alps covered with snow, which has fallen on them these few days – the great St Bernard towering high above all the rest. We agreed that this was one of the most striking views of these mountains which we had yet seen – they seemed near, although the Mount Cenis must be 120 miles off at least. It was very cold today and we had a fire.

After dinner we went to Breme’s box with him and Colonel Finch – Breme told us some ridiculous stories of Schlegel, particularly of his being angry that his trunk was not carried up into his room as soon as Madame de Broglie’s and Madame de Staël’s, and when Madame de Staël said, “Well, I will go and see for it,” actually let her go. Schlegel says that Dante had a divine spirit, really supernatural – Breme said he did not see anything so divine in Dante’s putting his friends into the hell of the Sodomites.213 – “Oh,” said Schlegel, “there is a mystery in that.”

Breme told me tonight, in presence of Colonel Finch, that Castlereagh had said to the Italian deputy who asked him for a constitution for Italy, “What is a constitution good for?” – “Why,” said the Italian, “the English have found it some good”. – “Pooh!” answered my Lord, “nous serons bien unies nous en defence”.214 Breme was afraid of this anecdote being put into print – there was only one deputy present and they may say he lied, and ruin him for speaking truth.

Monti told us today that, wanting to print an edition of Virgil and Cornelius Nepos here, they were obliged to send the Ms. copy to the Aulic Council at Vienna for approbation. Learnt tonight that the conduct of the Biblioteca Italiana was first offered to Ugo Fosolo, who declined it, then to Monti, who would not also, then to Acerbi, who accepted it with Monti as nominal coadjutor. Monti, however, has only written three articles in nine numbers. Acerbi, so Breme said, stole the drawings of a certain Hildebrand and the [ ]215 and used them in his northern travels. Hildebrand, or Skildolone, says he will cane Acerbi wherever he finds him. The Austrians here have a similar literary journal published at last – Monti and Pellico and Breme said today that Napoleon’s government was dreadfully illiberal as to publications, and that they planned an edition of the classics leaving out everything in favour of liberty.216

Came home and went to bed after calling Finch a bore for saying he ought to be the Duke of Cleveland,217 and was descended from Mr Fitzherbert son of Henry II 218 …

Tuesday October 22nd 1816

Finch went with Byron and me to Monza 219 today, ten miles off. Fine road, beautiful view of the Alps at the close of the avenue leading to the chateau.220 On the way, Finch told stories of Burghersh,221 who has published a little ode humbly presented to the Countess Aprini 222 on her birthday by Count Giraud,223 set to music by his excellency the Lord Burghersh, envoy from his Britannic Majesty &c. &c.224

Phelps, his secretary, was a querister,225 or on the stage. Burghersh’s poet is a rogue, a predicament in which most of his friends are said to be. He neglected a letter of recommendation from Mrs Wellesley Pole 226 presented by a respectable Dr Church and lived with a swindler, one Dick,227 who was at the same inn with the neglected Church.

The same told us that it was Talleyrand’s 228 plan to give Parma and Piacenza 229 to the King of Sardinia in lieu of two millions of francs yearly, to be given from France by an article of the Treaty of Worms.230 This he had agreed upon with the minister, Signor Marzin,231 a clever man who had been employed by the French, and was therefore dismissed and supplanted by Mr de Revel,232 who, neglecting to attend Mr de Talleyrand one morning, was sent for in haste – he came by two o’clock and pleaded a headache. “Well,” said Talleyrand, “your headache has lost Parma and Piacenza”. He then told Revel of the Treaty of Worms for the first time. Revel went to the King, who had never heard of it, and sent for Signor Marzin: “My dear friend, what is all this about Parma – two millions of francs – the Treaty of Worms?” said the King, in his bed-gown – “Why did you not tell me of all this before!!! – both Parma and the money are lost forever!”

We saw the viceregal palace, which was refitted by Beauharnais. It is a good nobleman’s house, neatly furnished with a fine full room and theatre &c., in which the scene was left from the last play represented there to Prince Eugene. The six long corridors look like a convent or a barrack, which it was. The view of the ampitheatre of the Alps from the house is, however, well worth going to see. The gardens are poor, the park ten miles round, filled with game. Prince Eugene used to hunt, &c., three times a week there when at the house. It is situated in a dead flat of enclosures, out of which rise village churches with the square spires, and Mount Brianza with its villa.

We went to Monza – a small town – and were struck with the singular facade of its church, which contains the treasures, to see which Count Saurau, governor of Milan,233 had given us a letter to the Archiprete, as he had to the keeper of the chateau. We found another party there, who were looking at the Iron Crown 234 – this Iron Crown we were a long time at a loss to distinguish, set as it is in the head of a large cross, and having hanging in the midst of it a piece of sponge rich with the blood of Jesus Christ. The Iron Crown is in fact a bandeau of gold set with precious stones, as represented on Napoleon’s medals,235 and the iron is one of the nails of the true cross, drawn out so as to set round the bandeau. In the arms of the cross are bits of the wood of the cross, and the [ ], and the scourge of Christ. The cross is as large as life, very richly set.

We then went to the treasury, where we saw some utensils belonging to Queen Teodolinda of the Lombards,236 chiefly presented to her by Gregory the Great.237 A papyrus letter of his to her; some gold sculpture of a warrior in small size, singular for its work and costume; her shield or device in gold – a hen and some chickens as large as life; herself and the seven provinces of Lombardy; a bit of the true cross set in yellow precious stone; some tablets, said to be before the Christian era, in ivory with a fine relief on one side of [the] figures, with columns, one of which being spiral, Colonel Finch said could not be so old as alleged. The tablets were in small folio and not at all pocket companions. They must have been carried by a slave. We saw also a wallet belonging to Jesus Christ, and one of St Peter, also in a large silver case; a robe of the Virgin Mary’s, which the priest observed was in four folds and proved that even in those days four-folded large mantles were in use. This he said de bonne foi,238 and we all received it reverently. We saw the stone tomb of Queen Teodolinda also – also her fan and comb, which showed that all the essentials of those inventions were well-known in that early period.

Afterwards we were directed to ask to see the skeleton of Count Hector Visconti,239 and we were shown it in a cupboard in the cloister. The Count was killed at the siege of Monza, fighting against the Emperor in 1412.240 His body was found in the ruins of the old castle, which is mentioned on a paper in the case, and unconsumed – the flesh still sticks to many parts of him – the left leg which was broken off near the ankle by the shot of the ballista 241 which killed him – his portrait was spattered, and seems to show the blood – his hands are covered with flesh – there is a hole, accidental most likely, under his right breast – his sword, a short, very pointed weapon, is hanging in its sheath in the case with him – the last line of the short notice of him, says “Mori, gli Eroe si non respiro ta[ ]”242 The beginning of the inscription is rather striking – “This skeleton once enclosed the soul of Count Hector Visconti,” &c.

Cæsar himself would have looked like him.243 I thought they should not show these sights at churches where they preach doctrines which the first sight of them most woefully shake.

We drove back in cold weather to Milan – dined – at night Byron and I translated part of Francesca da Rimini244 – I till late.

Wednesday October 23rd 1816

Up half-past nine. Went out with Colonel Finch – bought a map of Italy for sixty francs – introduced, at his squalid rooms in the Albergo di Manno, to his travelling companion, an old gentleman of sixty-three who goes over these parts as he were once made a voyage to China and India to make sketches. His name is Wathen, a Herefordshire man,245 in his appearance like a parish clerk of the old friendly school. Colonel Finch tells me he walks thirty-five miles a day with the best of them. Finch, he, and another are going with a vetturino246 to Venice, who have agreed to furnish them with horses lodgings and food for fifteen francs a day each!!!247

Afterwards we went to the Mint, and in the Library saw the Travels in Albania248 – and Clarke’s fourth volume 249 – several other oriental books. This noble collection was made under the direction of Prina, Minister of Finances,250 who made it in five years what it is now – he gave the conductors carte blanche – now they have 100 francs a month. Prina was murdered by a mob, set on by men well-known and marked – Fitzgerald’s account 251 was incorrect – the Austrians did not try to punish the murderers. The Senate was not ill-treated – only laughed at and their records thrown into the canal.252

Coming home, found the two Carvellas and poor Polidori 253 with Byron. Went out with him in carriage to the echo of Simonetta,254 which is in an open court with three sides of a rectangle – I could only make thirty-six repetitions of the pistol shot, but the voice was signally clear.

Fine clear day – came home – dined – wrote journal – went, or going to, opera.255

At the opera in Breme’s box, met Mr de Beyle, one of the intendants de la mobiliare de la couronne and secretary of Napoleon’s cabinet.256 He told us several extraordinary stories. The Emperor Francis, who is a maker of sealing-wax – when he received despatches from Napoleon, used to carefully cut off the seal and give the letter to his minister – whilst the one was reading, the other was looking at the seal; rubbing it against his breeches, smelling to it and giving it its due praise – the eagle was well done, the sword perfect, &c. Napoleon took care always to have his letters to his father-in-law well sealed. Beyle said he himself decyphered these details from the French minister at Vienna – also the account that Francis [had] an employ in painting eyes at the bottom of ladies’ chamberpots, to which he gave a regard frippon.257

Beyle was in waiting on Napoleon on the Russian expedition. After the affair of “Maristudovitch” (or some such name)258 and when the cavalry was dismounted, Napoleon quite lost himself. He actually signed eight or ten decrees of advancement or some such things, “Pompée”,259 and when Beyle took the occasion afterwards to say, “Your Majesty has made a slip of the pen here”, he looked with a horrid grimace, and said “Ah yes,” and tore the decree and signed another. He would never pronounce the word “Kaluga”260 but called it sometimes “Caligula”, sometimes “Salamanca” – his attendants, who knew what he meant, went on writing or listening without making any remark. During the retreat he was always dejected – his horse not being able to stand on account of the ice, he was obliged to get off and walk with a white staff – there is a French saying, “When a man is in misfortune that he takes the white stick”. One of the six or seven people close to him happened to say out loud “Ah, voila l’Empereur qui marche avec le baton blanc”. Instead of taking this in good part – he said gloomily “Oui messieurs, voilà les grandeurs humains”. Mr de Beyle walked close to him for three hours – then he never spoke a word.

It is not true the army cried “A bas le manteau!”261 – on the contrary, everybody thought that his salvation depended on Napoleon – the whole army looked anxiously at him to see in [the] face what hopes he might form. Once or twice some soldiers cried as he passed, “Ce matin nous fait tuer tous!” He turned round and looked at the speakers – the soldiers burst into tears. The distress of the army was so great, that every man was half a fool – and many quite – even the bravest hearts gave way. Davout 262 cried like a child. In twenty-four hours eighty-four generals of brigade and division came to headquarters weeping and screeching, “Ah, ma division – ah ma brigade!”

A dysentery seized on the army. The Prince Major-General Berthier,263 having pulled down his breeches for his occasions, could not button them again. Excelmans,264 who pulled off his gloves to do it, lost the use of one of his fingers instantly – the whole army which at Konigsberg amounted to 45,000 men who were half a day at stool – might have been taken by two regiments of the enemy, but the Russians suffered the French to remain eighteen days there listening to La Clemenza di Tito,265 which was played there by a good company of singers. The same unaccountable neglect was shown by Tchitchagoff,266 where the whole army expected to be cut off – they had a river to pass and twelve bridges over a marsh – if one bridge had been cut down, the whole was over. Beyle was riding in front of the staff – there was only a single Cossack looking at them as the army filed over the river and the marsh. Napoleon was a little inspirited by this, and almost laughed at the stupidity of the Admiral.

When he went, Beyle waited on Murat, left Commander-in-chief.267 Murat sat up in his bed and wept bitterly. Beyle’s life was saved by Duroc, Marshall of the palace,268 who gave him now and then a dish of coffee – this made all the difference to a man’s life. When at Konigsberg the prescription was punch, of which he drank a dozen beakers a day. The change in the appearance of the army was so great that their nearest friends could not recognise them. Nicolai, a coadjutor of Beyle,269 did not know him for two hours. Marshall Ney was the only man who preserved his presence of mind.

When Napoleon came back from Moscow there were found three letters, addressed by Talleyrand to Louis XVIII and commencing “Sire”. The letters were read at council when Beyle held the pen. It seemed the opinion that Talleyrand must be punished, and Napoleon himself affirmed as much. Cambacères 270 said “Quoi? toujours du sang?”271 This saved Talleyrand’s life, and put a stop to the discussion – Napoleon did not say another word. Beyle observed that a Jury would have condemned Talleyrand. So far from being cruel, said Beyle, he [Napoleon] was not cruel enough – he had the Bourbons in his hands and would not make away with them. Beyle alluded to poison.

Beyle remembered that the duc d’Angoulême 272 when taken was in a great alarm, which was much augmented by the captain who took him, and who to play upon his feelings, said, “I answer for your life for two hours whilst I am with you – afterwards I cannot be responsible”. The Duke sprung on his neck, embraced him, and said, “Ah, ne me faites pas perir!”

Madame Ney 273 is come to Milan – so she is called and designated on her passport, it is supposed. Beyle told that she put this on her husband’s tomb: “Trente-cinq ans de gloire un jour d’erreur.”274 The police made her take out the inscription and forbade her to put any other not approved by them.275 When Cambronne 276 was tried he was asked how he came to make a war against France with Napoleon in 1815 – he said he had not fired a shot – not a man that he had met was not of the same way of thinking as himself. How came he to receive the orders of Bonaparte to attack the town of Paris and destroy the National Guards? Cambronne drew from his bosom a piece of paper containing words to this effect: “Général, je vous confie le commandant de ma garde – en entrant a Paris vous aurez tous les soins possibles de ne pas faire de mal a personne, car je ne veux pas que mon retour coute a la France une goutte de sang – Napoleon”.277 “Voila l’homme,”278 said Cambronne. The Marquis de –––––,279 one of the judges, started up, and with a frantic gesture exclaimed, “Il nous echapperait encore!”280 – Breme told this.

I have every reason to think that Beyle is a trustworthy person – he is so reported by Breme – however he has a cruel way of talking and looks, and is, a sensualist. He said that about two years ago he heard the Marquis de Sade 281 at Charenton 282 cry out to poor men in the street, “Bonjour messieurs – bonjour – je vous ferai tous secreter vifs!”283 just as if he had said, “I’ll come and call on you!” – his lust was cruelty – he might have been beheaded a hundred times for the murder of women. He used to tie them down and make a wound in their thighs as near as possible to the great artery – as they expired his enjoyment was consummated. Napoleon did not choose to punish him except by putting him in a madhouse – and under the old regime he was accounted of too old a family for punishment. Mr de Duffond 284 mentions his being found with a woman covered with cuts – his excuse was that he was applying healing salve to her – and his salve was leaking – he debutted 285 by sending his brother out of the way, giving his brother’s wife [ ] at a ball, and then carrying her off, after every violence, to Florence, where he sold her to the Grand Duke Leopold.286

Breme told of an Italian nobleman who kept a seraglio at Leghorn, and pointed out a lady in a box opposite who had escaped from it.

We came from the play – before going I heard all sorts of strange accounts of my servant Poisson. Amongst others – that he says he has lived twenty-two years with my family, and has £100 a year from my father for taking care of me!!

Thursday October 24th 1816

Up late. This morning called the two Carvellas, Scardeli, a Corfiote,287 and Schinas of Constantinople.288 The latter is a gentlemanly-looking young man – he studied two years in Paris under Corai and is now at Padua. He has a certain turn for drollery about him – he says that Corai does not speak Greek with the true accent, but like a Suliote. He mentioned that the Archbishop Ignatius 289 is now digesting a plan of education on [the] Bell and Lancaster system 290 – also that he is writing an account of the Suliote wars,291 which although at that time at Ioaninna, he was practically encouraging. Also that Ali Pacha had employed two Genoese to assassinate him. Ignatius is a good soldier, and a great judge of a horse. He is now studying the Italian and Latin – he is at Pisa. Schinas came from Pavia on purpose to see us. He purposes returning to Greece. There are about twelve 292 Greek students in Italy, not to mention the merchants of Leghorn.

Byron and I took a course with our grammars in the evening. Breme called and told us he was most miserable. The head of his distress was a Catholic – black coat – Italy – noble.293 Byron offered to change places with him, and I supported, against conviction, that everything 294 ought to be and most people are happy.

Friday October 25th 1816

Did nothing particular in the morning but <translated some of Pellico’s tragedy – Byron and I tonight [ ] the Impro> wrote letters.

After dinner Byron and I went to the Opera, to hear the famous Sgricci.295 The theatre was very full, both pit and boxes, much more so than I had seen before. After some little time there was impatience manifested – nothing was seen in the stage but a table with a dirty green cloth covering it to the ground, and a candle at each corner. The band came into the orchestra and began to play – then appeared a candle snuffer who took off the dirty baize and placed a green stuff on the table, which Breme observed was the Countess Perticari’s footcloth. The scandal is that Sgricci has been found by Madame Perticari, Monti’s daughter, to improvise better than her husband.296 When the music [ended], came in a man whom they clapped thinking it was Sgricci, but who was only a servant who carried a vase like an apothecary’s black bottle, and placed it in the middle of the table. Then came the same, with a man in black, and a little boy, and placed themselves with great mystery at the table. The black man read aloud subjects for the versi sciolti,297 the first of which was one I [had] suggested, and Polidori gave in a bit of paper as he entered, to a person put there to receive it:298 “The Egg of Columbus”.299 Each subject being read and folded up was thrown into the vase, which the candle-snuffer took up, and shook ceremoniously, and presented it to the little boy, who, averting his head and holding up his hand like the blue coats at the Lottery,300 drew out a subject, “The Attack of Algiers”,301 which was proclaimed aloud, and the trio withdrew.

The expectation of Sgricci was now very great – loud clappings were heard on both sides – Breme, Pellico, Guarco,302 Borsieri, and Polidori, with ourselves, were rather inclined to titter,303 though Byron and I agreed that it did not become foreigners ignorant of the language to judge everybody in Italy, much less to prejudge him.

At last Sgricci came in, with wild black hair, no cravat,304 blue coat, white waistcoat, white pantaloons, and yellow Turkish slippers. He was received with shouts of applause, and after a bow began with great action. I caught but little except that he would not invoke the [Greek] muses but the muse of Mount Libanus,305 and then heard a good deal about Amphitrite and Aurora 306 – “superbi legni” and “infame mai”307 was caught by Byron. The slaves were found speaking in the end of the poem, but everybody agreed that every single distinctive circumstance of the action had been left out and that Sgricci had given nothing but commonplaces – our box was triumphant. However, at the close of the recitation, which lasted without the least hesitation for twelve or fifteen minutes, a good deal of clapping was heard, and Sgricci bowed, withdrew, and gave place to The Three, who commenced operations as before, for the terze rime.308

The subject pulled out by the lad was “Artemisa at the tomb of Mausolus”.309 It should be mentioned that the reading of the paper gave rise to very unseemly tittering, especially when the reader gave out the “La distributione di Pompeanio”,310 as also that the subjects were most of them very bad, and laughed at. One was whether women were on the whole an advantage to society – the best was Polidori’s on “The Art of Improvisation”, which was clapped. Most of them were commonplace classical subjects.

On the whole it seemed a new thing to us to see so large an assembly of all classes, apparently entering into the interests of such an exhibition, and being as much “up” to the subjects as those persons who are to be found in our salons. The mouthful is certainly found here, for the admission being but thirty sous puts it into the power of all classes to come to the poet’s show.

The “Artemisa” I did not understand one word of, but heard several rhymes in “ente” and “etto”, which Breme said were the most vulgar in the language. Also I found that a “pargoletto”311 of the Queen was introduced, and another Aurora rose over the weeping widow. The factions said that it was a complete failure, and that nothing was said of Artemisa swallowing the ashes,312 nor of the name giving a name to all tombs.313 The signor is not very much au fait. He called the Algerines “Turks”, and either had not read the Gazette, or found it not to square with his commonplaces. However, he never stopped for a rhyme or a word, and went on about the same time as when attacking Algiers.

Again he gave way to The Triumvirate, who performed their part again, and we heard a sort of transcript of the annual bills of mortality for the subjects of a tragedy 314 – the death of this man and that man sounded in our ears every moment. Polidori had given in “Jacopo Ortis”, the Italian Werther of Foscolo,315 but this was not read, because, said Breme, the police, who had the inspection of the subjects over-looked, most probably by Monti, would not allow any chance of praising Foscolo, whom he hates.316

I forgot to mention that for the terze rime was heard “The Apotheosis of Vittorio Alfieri”, which was received with a loud shout – in the very <theater> city where his plays are forbidden to be acted.317

“The Death of Socrates” was chosen – Sgricci came forth after some time, and, approaching the pit, made an apology, and begged the benissimo publico would consider “The Death of Socrates” was not “tragediabile”, and entreated that the urn might again be applied to, which was complied with by a shout of “To the lots! – to the lots!”.318 In came The Three, shook, chose, and gave out “The Death of Montezuma” – Sgricci again came forward, and said he could not treat of Montezuma without offending the costume of the country,319 and that if the public pleased he would try Socrates – some cried out “Montezuma!” – some “Socrates!”

Sgricci came forward again, amidst some hisses and whistling and clapping, and asked for a third trial of the urn, which, after some disturbance, was granted, and The Trio entered amidst great discourtesy. “Eteocles and Polinices” now turned up,320 but the Signor did not recommence immediately, so that there was much shouting and hissing, and calling on the names of the several heroes – a loud shrill voice from the fifth circle called “Socraté!” in a tone which made the whole house resound and laugh, but at last Sgricci began in a low tone to tell us that he laid his scene in the palace of Thebes, and that the personages were Eteocles, Polynices, their sister,321 Jocasta,322 Tiresias, Manto (a messenger), and chorus of Theban Women. He then announced that he entered as one of those characters – I do not know which – and, tossing up his head and hands as usual, began – the table and chairs being first placed to the side to give room for the poet, who, when he changed his character walked to it and turned round in a new character.

All I could make out was that he copied Æschylus verbatim, nearly, in the description of the chiefs attacking Thebes,323 and either three or four times ended his verse by “Intorno … intorno”.324 He went on his knee once, in the character of the sister, and was excessively impassioned in that of Jocasta. Nevertheless, the pit began to thin, much to the delight of Breme, who cried out “Voyez les auditeurs qui filent!”325 and the stage box emptied also. We began to yawn – I skipped the chorus 326 – the whole lasted nearly fifty minutes.

Sgricci was once or twice applauded, and had some praise at the end, but it was a dull affair, apparently, to the whole audience, and the faction triumphed completely. Monti was said to have been behind the scenes with Perticari,327 and to have given him his excuses for “Socrates”, which, however, is tragedy328 – for me Scævola 329 has made a tragedy of it.

Monti wishes to raise Sgricci, or any other improvvisatori, because he hates Gianni,330 the great Roman improvvisatore, who is now at Paris in a state of imbecility writing religious poems. He was a real genius, and some of his improvisations have been printed and are beautiful. Breme says that La Bandettina 331 is a great genius compared with Sgricci – who to me, what with his yellow slippers and commonplaces, does seem a charlatan. The air with which he pulled off his white gloves and placed them on the table before he began the “Artemisa” reminded me of Lord Grizzle’s death.332

Byron and I came home and laughed, but owned that speaking so rapidly was a strange talent.333 – Forsyth seems to think that there are signs of improvisation in Homer’s frequent repetition and eternal epithets.334

Saturday October 26th 1816

By this day’s post sent letters to Melly, Harriett, Sophy and Henry – the latter directed to Perregaux at Paris,335 where, by a letter received a day or two ago from dear Sophy, it is probable he and she are.336

This morning a Mr Anelli 337 was introduced by Carvella the Younger. Mr Anelli pushed up to Lord Byron, and pulled a book out of his pocket, which he presented to him, and described without stopping for some time. The book is the Chronicle of Pindus,338 a species of recensus 339 of Italian literature from the times of Tiraboschi,340 I believe, up to the present day – satirical &c. It is quizzed in our friend Borsieri’s Giorno.341 Anelli talked with tremendous fluency on all sorts of literary subjects, and asked Lord Byron to give him an esquisse342 of the state of English literature from the beginning of this century. Then he said that Monti was a great poet for the dexterity with which he used words, but no imagination, and had never finished anything – indeed, his political works he could not finish, for events succeeded so rapidly as to make him change his side and subject – this was the lot of his Death of Basseville343 and his Mascheroniana.344 His Homer was made from a literal translation in Italian, hence in one of the many epigrams written against him he is called “the Translator of the Translator of Homer”.345 He does not know one word of Greek. Anelli said that Foscolo had finished nothing in poetry, and I think he said the same of Pindemonte.

Anelli then began to talk politics with me – he said the English were not liked because they had balked the wishes of the Italian nation.346 Under Napoleon there was a determination on the part of the liberales in Italy to constitute the kingdom into an independent state – the plan was in the hands of 4,000 freemasons, each of whom was to furnish at least one armed man and some five or six – to complete the design by force if need be. It was calculated that Italy could better afford to pay 200 millions of livres, which was now raised for the government, to England for her protection by sea and land, than she could afford to pay it to the government of a French viceroy. The signs of the lodges were the same as in England, not as for France, and though Eugene 347 was Grand Master of the Lombardy masons, yet there was a private Grand Master who was instructed with that secret of the independence which was not to be told to the Viceroy. At the same time, the masons were not resolved not to choose Eugene – they were only positive as to throwing off the subjection of the Iron Crown.348

It was rumoured 349 that Napoleon had stated that he would declare Italy independent even at his return from Moscow, and it is certain that before the battle of Leipzig 350 he had written to Fontanelli, the Minister of the Interior here,351 to state as much and to declare it – but that minister, and Melzis, Duke of Lodi,352 the Chancellor of the Seals, Vice-President of Lombardy, did not choose to publish such a document until they conceived that the Viceroy’s party was strong enough to put the Crown on his head. When Murat 353 came from Leipzig, he passed through Milan and went immediately to the house of Mr Berazon (or some s

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